2006年9月19日泰國爆發字1991年以來首次的軍事政變，結束了長達近一年的反塔克辛運動，總理塔克辛(Thaksin Shinawatra)被迫下台並流亡海外，臨時政府預計將以一年的時間進行政治改革，修訂新憲法與重新舉行國會大選，塔克辛時代正式宣告結束。事實上，2001年時塔克辛率領泰愛泰黨(Thai Rak Thai Party)以極大的差距擊敗民主黨(Democrat Party)，順利當選泰國總理，歷經四年的執政之後，再度於2005年獲得連任。儘管塔克辛具有龐大民意的支持，但由於..

The first coup d’etat since 1991 in Thailand on 19 September 2006 ended not only the year-long anti-Thaksin demonstrations, but also Thaksin’s political career. The provisional government, led by General Sonthi Boonyaratglin, organized by the Council for Democratic Reform (CDR), was determined to restore a democratic government, to revise the new constitution, and hold a general election within one year. In the 2001 general election, Thaksin Shinawatra led the Thai Rak Thai (TRT) Party and triumphantly defeated the Democratic Pa..

在一個以美國為首的後冷戰單極國際體系中，次級強權與美國之間的動態性權力安排，將直接影響單及體系是否得以續存。傳統國際關係理論主張「權力平衡」是維持國際社會與區域安全的穩定要素，但該理論針對的是強權間為維持軍事戰略利益，所採取以軍事力量作為手段的平衡關係，對於後冷戰時期美國與其他次級強權的互動，似乎缺乏解釋的效力。在這些次級強權當中，歐洲聯盟扮演一個非常特殊的角色。歐洲與美國同享重要的文化與宗教價值，但在具戰略意義的議題上，兩者的歧見卻益形明顯。歐盟在重大國際議題上與美國的背道而馳，已形成..

In a U.S.-dominated post-Cold War unipolar international system, the possible power shifts between the second-tier great powers and the Americans, such as a systemic balance, will have great impacts on the existence and endurance of the current international system. According to the Realist theses, “balance of power” is a stabilizing factor that contributes to international security and regional stability as the great powers endeavor to prevent concentration of capabilities in one or a few nations through the process of distribu..

後物質主義與女性主義價值兩者之間的關係，在相關研究中存在兩種對立的觀點:一種觀點認為後物質主義與女性主義兩種價值，本質上存在相近性，發展上則有一致性，兩者追求非物質性的價值，同樣是後現代價值體系變遷的一部份，產生於新社會運動相似的背景，同樣代表新政治分歧的價值;再者，兩者的發展步調一致，同樣建立在社會經濟心理安全感的基礎上，社會經濟條件越發達或是後工業化的國家，女性主義以及後物質主義的價值傾向越普遍。另一種觀點則認為後物質主義與女性主義的發展並非相近的價值，..

This study focuses on the varied and complicated relationship between postmaterialism and feminism, and examines two contradicted hypotheses regarding their relationship. Hypothesis one assumes both sets of value sprung simultaneously from very similar origins and contain similar value components, under the rubic of new social movement and new political cleavage. Therefore, they are closed related to each other, for those postindustrial countries which support feminism tend to adopt postmaterialism values as well. To the oppo..

印巴關係一直是南亞區域安全的焦點，而印巴自兩國獨立之後就擺盪在戰爭與和談之間，長久以來對喀什米爾(Kashmir)主權的認知無法達成共 識。本文的論點是，「安全困境」(security dilemma)不一定是印巴關係的宿命。兩國之間的戰或和，多半取決於主要決策者在面對國內各利益團體及國際的壓力時，基於維持權力的目的，做出決策所造成的結果。本文將以 1998-2004 年期間印巴和平進程為例，探討印巴兩國在國際、國內環境及領導利益等因素影響之下所做的決策，如..

This article will examine the relations between India and Pakistan during 1998-2004 and study how decisions made by leaders of India and Pakistan under domestic and international pressure had influenced India- Pakistan relations. The article argues that the India-Pakistan relations will not necessarily be trapped in the "security dilemma." The relations between the two countries for a large part depend on the decisions of major policymakers based on the goal of maintaining power as well as foreign players such as th..

盧武鉉總統自 2003 年上台以來，以韓半島南北韓乃至東北亞的和平繁榮為由，實施了以自主、平衡及務實外交為主的和平繁榮政策，擺脫以往對美國的過多依附，尋求確保在東北亞國際關係格局中戰略的靈活性。韓國的和平繁榮政策在韓中關係發展上起了積極作用，盧武鉉政府為實現和平繁榮政策的目標，進行與中國全方位的交流合作。韓中兩國因為互為需求維護與加強兩國共同利益，首先，通過兩國經濟互補性讓兩國的經濟更加發展;其次，為維持韓半島與東北亞的穩定，在北韓核問題與六邊會議框架中密切..

Since president Moo-Hyun Roh took office in 2003, Roh’s administration applied the Policy of Peace and Prosperity, which upholds to sovereign, balanced, and pragmatic diplomacy, on the grounds of peace and prosperity for DPRK and ROK in Korean peninsula and Northeast Asia. The administration got rid of excessive dependence of the U.S in the past, and sought to establish strategic flexibility in the Northeast Asian relations. The Policy of Peace and Prosperity played a positive role in the ROK-PRC relationship. ..