1972 年斷交後的台日雙邊關係，在歷經了艱難時代、冷戰後的現在，迎接新時代。即使台日雙邊沒有正式的外交關係，但是以經貿關係、多元的文化交流為主的民間交流支撐雙邊關係順利地發展。由於台日之間沒有正式的關係，不得不借用「交流協會」與「亞東關係協會」等非官方的機構、管道來維持雙方的互動關係。 本文的主要目的是立足於特殊的雙邊關係結構，探討參與日本對台決策的組織、制度、過程及行動者之間的互動關係，進而企圖建立日本對台政策的模型，嘗試分析、比較..

Diplomatic relations between the Republic of China (Taiwan) and Japan were broken in 1972 - although non-governmental exchanges have continued through the post-Cold War period - and are now entering new era. Despite the lack of formal diplomatic relations, non-governmental exchanges that focus on close economic and trade ties and a multiplicity of cultural exchanges have promoted the smooth development of bilateral relations. Due to the diplomatic break-off, substantive relations need to be conducted through non-governmental ..

有別於戰後以來政治思想史、歷史與文化的研究，多元主義於 1970 年代中期後在日本政治學界正式登場。利用個案研究、深度訪談與調查計量方法，多元主義針對現代日本政治的運作進行實證分析，而日本的政經與社會結構也出現多元化的現象，賦予多元主義解釋的有效性，使得多元主義研究蔚為日本政治學的新潮流。然而，1993 年自民黨的下野，以及聯合政權形態的常態化，政治決定架構出現重大的轉變，多元主義在此挑戰下，採取政策爭論點研究途徑與特定行為者的個案研究，努力建構普遍的解釋模..

Differs to the traditional approaches of political theory history and the historical-cultural studies in postwar Japan, the pluralism approach had been introduced and connected to Japan’s political studies since the mid-1970s. Because of various changes of political, economic and social structure in Japan, the pluralism approach, which especially emphasizes on the research methods such as case study, in-depth interview and survey study, was efficiently utilized to analyze Japan’s practical politics and gradually b..

在國際關係理論中，以主權國家為前提，以理性選擇為途徑，這種採用國家是單一理性行為體的假設，在解釋國際合作與否時，已經面臨到一些挑戰，換言之，非國家行為體亦扮演重要角色。另外，由新現實主義和新自由主義共同假定的制度結構，在日趨複雜的現實世界中，也不能完全理解真實國際社會合作發生的原因。因此，本文嘗試引用認知理論，藉共同認知變項的提出，並結合共同利益變項，透過整合制度結構和認知轉化的過程，導出一種國際合作框架。在驗證部份，本文採用賽局理論和列舉實際案例，說明制度..

In international relations, some theories explain international cooperation almost solely based on sovereign states and a presumed approach of rational choice. However, these hypotheses assume a state-actor, as a rational unit, will meet some unforeseen challenges, thus we need a non-state actor as another variable. Furthermore, an institutional structure of neo- realism’s and neo-liberalism’s hypothesis do not fully illustrate how international cooperation occurs in the real world. So we adopt both the cognitive ..

全球化帶來了生活意識的同化以及空間一體化的現象，使得美國能夠藉此散播其意識形態，而美國也確實藉由全球化的機制增強了其在國際事務上的影響力，並在全球相互依賴的網絡下贏得了主導的位置。本文嘗試以霸權國作為研究的核心，藉由垂直(vertical)與水平(horizontal)社會化兩種國際社會化(International Socialization)的方式來說明霸權國如何利用除了傳統的軍事武力之外的社會化途徑來影響其他國家，成為維持其霸權體制的另一種柔性力量。 ..

Globalization leads to assimilation of life consciousness and space integration. Thus enables the U.S. to spread ideology, reinforces international influence, and gains possession of the leading status under this global interdependence network. This article attempts to use horizontal and vertical socialization approaches to explain how hegemonic states utilize their soft powers to maintain dominance and exert influence on other states without the use of military force.  

Alexander Wendt 運用量子意識理論作為其建構主義的知識論主張，嘗試證明科學實在論的觀點，也就是可以能科學地研究與證明理念與意識在形成集體認同及行動的作用。Wendt 的量子意識理論肇因於建構主義內部的知識論爭論，他科學實在論的知識論立場引發了不同的批評，遂而提出量子意識理論作為回應，企圖告訴讀者不同的思考世界方式。 本文將聚焦於 Wendt 所提出的量子意識理論(假設)對於建構主義理論 (甚至整個國際關係理論)的意涵，以及..

Alexander Wendt tries to use quantum consciousness theory or hypothesis (QCT) as an epistemological position for his constructivism to defend the scientific realism that it can scientifically research and prove the effects of ideas and consciousness on collective identity formation. Wendt’s QCT resulted from the epistemological debates within constructivism, his scientific realism has generated various critics, he initiated QCT to response these critiques and tried to tell readers how to think the world differently. ..