自蘇聯解體後，在獨立國協境內發生了大規模的族群重新配置的現象，其中又以散佈在中亞、高加索與波羅的海等地區，數量超過二千五百萬的俄羅斯人最為顯著。環繞著這些俄羅斯人的重要課題之一，即是其新的認同形塑的問題。透過對此課題的了解，多樣的認同的存在，不只單是平行的現象，而是一種同一的多層次結構，彼此並不必然會在認同選擇的過程中出現衝突。  

After Soviet Union disunited, ethnic groups redistributed on a large scale in the Commonwealth of Independence States, especially for the Russian exceeding twenty-five million around Central Asia, Caucasus and the area of Baltic Sea. Among these Russians, one of the significant issues is the formation of their new political identity. By understanding this issue, the existence of multiple identities is not only a parallel phenomenon, but also a multiple-layered structure that does not necessarily result in conflict in the proc..

經濟學界基於 1990 年代歐洲匯率機制危機的歷史教訓，與新近發展的內生整合理論，多認為即使無法擺脫馬斯垂克條約整合門檻的法規束縛，歐洲貨幣同盟至少應儘快邀請有意加入歐元區的歐盟東歐成員國，在此一過渡階段進行密切的經濟貨幣政策協調合作，以免再度發生匯率與金融危機。本文首先對經濟學界就歐洲貨幣同盟擴張議題，所發表的重要文獻進行評述。其次根據既有論點，以東歐經濟規模最大的捷克、匈牙利、波蘭作為研究對象，結合簡單的總體經濟模型與賽局分析概念，探討三國已為歐盟成員，..

Some economists believe that even if the Maastricht convergence criteria is indispensable, the European Monetary Union should at least invite Central and Eastern European countries to participate in economic policy coordination as soon as possible, on the basis of the theory of endogeneity and the experience of the ERM crisis in the 1990s. The purposes of this research are 1)to provide an economic literature review about the issue of EMU enlargement and 2)to determine whether a bilateral coalition of an accession country and ..

作為德國歷史上的第一個民主政體─威瑪共和從誕生開始就是一個「生病的民主」，也是一個「沒有民主人的民主」。威瑪憲法的制定者除了架構起所謂的「程序性民主」之外，同時更在議會制的基礎上賦予民選的總統強大的權力─半總統制，加上欠缺民主文化，以及存在著反體制的政黨，致令威瑪憲法像是特洛伊木馬。最後在議會政治失敗的亂局中，希特勒(Adolf Hitler)率領納粹黨徒從木馬中一躍而出，用原本是保護民主的權力將民主政體合法地謀殺掉。 二戰後的聯邦德國..

As the first democracy in German history, the Weimar Republic was “a sick democracy”, and “a democracy without democrats” ever since it was born. The composers of the Weimar Constitution not only constructed a so-called “procedural democracy”, but also gave the extreme power to the people-elected president – semi-presidentialism – based on the foundation of parliamentary system. Furthermore, accompanied with a political climate that lacked democratic culture and existing parties..

台海兩岸自 1949 年分裂至今，雙方的政策雖歷經不同階段的調整，但仍無法突破僵局。中共始終不放棄以武力方式解決台灣問題的可能性，堅持對台灣使用武力乃其處理國內事務之主權合法行使，不受國際法的限制。本文從國際法禁止使用武力原則的目的與相關實踐來看，此原則不僅針對國家，也對包括事實實體在內的其它國際法人適用。現階段台灣在國際法下的國家地位雖有些爭議，但不影響其作為一個受國際法規範與保障的事實實體。不過，在兩岸關係中，由於中共堅持台灣問題為中國內政，且國際社會對..

The stand-off across the Taiwan Strait has, since 1949, continued to divide the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (Taiwan). The PRC still insists that the Cross-Strait situation is an internal affair of China, and thus it upholds the position that using force against Taiwan is a legitimate exercise of sovereignty under international law. This article argues that, based on relevant practices, non-use of force as a principle under customary international law applies not only to States, but also to..

亞洲金融危機始自 1997 年 7 月泰銖的崩潰，以印尼、南韓、泰國、菲律賓及馬來西亞等 5 國受害最深，其他鄰國也紛紛遭受波及，各國根據所處主、客觀環境，採取不同的因應方法。泰國、印尼、南韓等國由於外匯短缺，只有聽任本國貨幣貶值，進行經濟上的對外調整，而其後遺症則為倚賴外債過深的企業連鎖倒閉，帶來金融機構逾期放款大幅增加，以及經濟成長率下滑、失業率上升等問題。新加坡、香港、日本、中國及台灣，整體而言受影響較小。自 1997 年亞洲爆發金融危機，迄 2006..

The Asian financial crisis started with the collapse of the Thai baht in July 1997. Indonesia, South Korea, Thailand, Philippines and Malaysia were the countries most affected by the crisis. The other neighboring countries were also hit by the slump. Those countries took different strategies to cope with their crises according to their own subjective and objective environment. Because of the shortage of foreign exchange reserves, Thailand, Indonesia and South Korea had to let local currencies devaluated substantially to adjus..