相對於美國、中國大陸及許多主要大國從事「公眾外交」實踐及其理論化的中英文研究文獻汗牛充棟，中小型國家的經驗大致上較少受到關注。本論文假定加拿大在公眾外交實踐經驗有其特殊貢獻與研究價值，進而透過探索加拿大公眾外交的發展、歸納其所呈現的形態與內外連結特徵、分析其實踐優劣與挑戰來作印證。加拿大公眾外交的實踐可歸納出兩大主要特徵:一方面，其強調的是結合對外與對內雙重面向的溝通以及政府與人民雙向關係並重。其涉及的主要標的，並非局限於國外的民間團體、意見領袖與人民，也包..

While existing literature focuses primarily on the practices of public diplomacy(PD)of Great Powers, such as the United States and the People’s Republic of China, and much of PD’s conceptualization was often based on their experiences, less attention was paid to middle or small countries. It is assumed that the Canadian experience in this regard is insightful and deserves a systemic study. This paper explored the development of Canadian PD, generalized its patterns with an emphasis on its foreign-domestic linkage...

2015 年 7 月，希臘的公民投票以 61%的多數否決了歐盟的第三次紓困案，希臘主權債務危機再起。基於國際資金自 2010 年起已陸續處分希臘資產，其他歐債危機國家亦陸續走向經濟復甦的現實下，此次希臘債務危機對全球與歐盟經濟影響有限。希臘公投事件主要影響的是本國利益，公投為希臘換來更嚴格的紓困條件，反轉了復甦中的經濟成長，同時賠上了僅存的政府信譽與國際信任。從希臘是歐債危機國家中唯一被紓困三次、債務減少一 半、獲得最多金援、五年來卻仍未有效控制危機等多項「..

The EU’s bailout package was vetoed by the Greek people in the referendum of July 2015. This unexpected outcome caused the recurrence of the Greek debt crisis. Since international investors have disposed their holdings on Greek assets and other crisis countries in the eurozone have been recovering from the European sovereign debt crisis, the Greek event had limited impact on the world and EU economies this time. What this referendum event has affected most was its own national interests. It not only resulted in stricter..

本文的目的在於探討蜜月期選舉時程如何在半總統制下，對前三大政黨在國會選舉時的表現，產生不同於在總統制下所產生的影響。本文認為，由於總統制與半總統制的權力分立程度不同，所以導引出來的蜜月期選舉效應也就相異。根據既有文獻可知，在總統制下，因為權力完全分立，總統黨與第三黨在以具有比例性的選制所進行的蜜月期國會大選中會選得比較好，但本文認為這個效應無法類推到半總統制國家。在半總統制下，因為權力只有部分分立，國會大選是行政權選舉的第二階段，所以即便在蜜月期選舉時程中，..

This paper aims at exploring how semi-presidentialism differs from presidentialism in affecting electoral performance of three largest parties in honeymoon elections. This paper argues that different levels of power separation in presidentialism and semi-presidentialism explain why the effects of honeymoon elections vary. Many existent studies indicated that in presidential systems, with total power separation, the largest and the third largest parties would gain in honeymoon elections that used proportional electoral systems..

選舉制度影響政黨體系，是廣為人知的因果推論。依此邏輯，若以政黨體系為因，以選舉制度的變化為果，即產生內生性的選制變遷理論。然而，某些研究者仍認為選制變革起於和政黨體系無關的外生因素。本文主張，選制變遷是否受到政黨體系的影響，取決於選制的種類。第一，有利大黨的多數決選制如果始終未出現一黨過半，則國會屬於多黨制，有可能因為小黨組成多數聯盟而改採比例性選制。尤其當現狀為並立式單一選區兩票制時，可能因為小黨的議席多來自政黨名單，而比代表區域主義的多數決選制更容易導致..

It is well known that electoral system shapes party system. By this logic, an endogenous explanation for changes in electoral systems should treat party system as the cause and changes as the consequence, in sharp contrast with theories attributing changes to exogenous factors that are irrelevant to party system. This paper argues that whether changes in electoral system are caused by party system depend on the type of the electoral system. First, if a majority party never emerges from a majoritarian electoral system, minor p..

日本政府分別於 2001 年與 2009 年兩度改革預算制度，都是在內閣層級設立新的組織，移轉部分預算編列權限到內閣，希望透過改變編列預算的方式，來提高首相與內閣領導力，並解決各省廳的本位問題。前者是在內閣府設立經財政諮詢會議，後者則是分別在內閣官房與內閣府設立國家戰略室與行政刷新會議。儘管小泉內閣時期，透過經濟財政諮詢會議改革原有的預算編列方式，也成功地刪減財政支出，以及民主黨執政初期，行政刷新會議做出刪減預算的決定，國家戰略室也有設定降低財政赤字的目標，..

The Japanese government reformed its budget institutions and budget processes in 2001 and 2009, establishing the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy(CEFP)in 2001, and the National Strategy Office(NSO)and the Government Revitalization Unit(GRU)in 2009. By moving the Ministry of Finance’s budget formulation authority to the Cabinet, it was expected that these new institutions would facilitate the prime minister’s leadership. However, despite institutional changes, the budget formulation processes and the existing ..