中日第二次戰爭(即對日抗戰，1937~1945 年)時期，交戰各方為爭奪南洋華僑群眾支持，遂發展政治論述(discourse)。由於「國族」(nation)並非東亞固有觀念，因此華僑國族認同成為當時重要課題。本研究將以戰時各方之調查報告、政策文獻、外交檔案為核心，研究「國共汪日」四方之華僑政治論述基礎、主要政策與華僑群體的應對過程。研究發現:華僑社群原接受中國傳統思想，以各種親屬與文化關係維繫對中國認同，故國民政府在當時以各種團體為中介，實行「抗日救國」的國..

During the Second Sino-Japanese War, a.k.a. War of Resistance (1937~1945), both China and Japan attempted to gain support from overseas Chinese using their different political discourses. The concept of “nation” was not originated in East Asia but highly propagandized during this war period. This article analyzed and compared various discourses on overseas Chinese mobilization submitted by four actors─Chiang(Choung- ching government ), Wang ( Nanking government ), Mao ( Yen-an government), and Empire Japan ─ using..

民主黨於 2009 年的眾議院選舉中大勝，取代自民黨執政，然而也在 3 年後的選舉中大敗而結束政權。「民主黨政權為何失敗?」成為研究現代日本政治變動的新題材。既有的研究主要從政治主導的失敗、首相領導權的不足，以及政權公約的挫折來分析，本文則從「分立國會」的新觀點來分析，論述在「分立國會」架構下，參議院如何透過「特例公債法案」的審查，來影響民主黨政權的重要政策與政權運作。 本文研究結果發現，以往被視為眾議院輔助角色的參議院，其影響力已經不..

The Democratic Party of Japan(DPJ)won a landslide victory in the election of House of Representatives in 2009, replacing the Liberal Democratic Party(LDP)as the ruling party, but abruptly terminated due to an overwhelming defeat in another election three years later. Why did the DPJ fail? This question has become a striking issue of modern political science in Japan. Existing studies mainly focus on perspectives such as defeat of political dominance, inadequacy of prime minister’s leadership, or failure of Manifesto. Th..

相對於美國、中國大陸及許多主要大國從事「公眾外交」實踐及其理論化的中英文研究文獻汗牛充棟，中小型國家的經驗大致上較少受到關注。本論文假定加拿大在公眾外交實踐經驗有其特殊貢獻與研究價值，進而透過探索加拿大公眾外交的發展、歸納其所呈現的形態與內外連結特徵、分析其實踐優劣與挑戰來作印證。加拿大公眾外交的實踐可歸納出兩大主要特徵:一方面，其強調的是結合對外與對內雙重面向的溝通以及政府與人民雙向關係並重。其涉及的主要標的，並非局限於國外的民間團體、意見領袖與人民，也包..

While existing literature focuses primarily on the practices of public diplomacy(PD)of Great Powers, such as the United States and the People’s Republic of China, and much of PD’s conceptualization was often based on their experiences, less attention was paid to middle or small countries. It is assumed that the Canadian experience in this regard is insightful and deserves a systemic study. This paper explored the development of Canadian PD, generalized its patterns with an emphasis on its foreign-domestic linkage...

2015 年 7 月，希臘的公民投票以 61%的多數否決了歐盟的第三次紓困案，希臘主權債務危機再起。基於國際資金自 2010 年起已陸續處分希臘資產，其他歐債危機國家亦陸續走向經濟復甦的現實下，此次希臘債務危機對全球與歐盟經濟影響有限。希臘公投事件主要影響的是本國利益，公投為希臘換來更嚴格的紓困條件，反轉了復甦中的經濟成長，同時賠上了僅存的政府信譽與國際信任。從希臘是歐債危機國家中唯一被紓困三次、債務減少一 半、獲得最多金援、五年來卻仍未有效控制危機等多項「..

The EU’s bailout package was vetoed by the Greek people in the referendum of July 2015. This unexpected outcome caused the recurrence of the Greek debt crisis. Since international investors have disposed their holdings on Greek assets and other crisis countries in the eurozone have been recovering from the European sovereign debt crisis, the Greek event had limited impact on the world and EU economies this time. What this referendum event has affected most was its own national interests. It not only resulted in stricter..

本文的目的在於探討蜜月期選舉時程如何在半總統制下，對前三大政黨在國會選舉時的表現，產生不同於在總統制下所產生的影響。本文認為，由於總統制與半總統制的權力分立程度不同，所以導引出來的蜜月期選舉效應也就相異。根據既有文獻可知，在總統制下，因為權力完全分立，總統黨與第三黨在以具有比例性的選制所進行的蜜月期國會大選中會選得比較好，但本文認為這個效應無法類推到半總統制國家。在半總統制下，因為權力只有部分分立，國會大選是行政權選舉的第二階段，所以即便在蜜月期選舉時程中，..

This paper aims at exploring how semi-presidentialism differs from presidentialism in affecting electoral performance of three largest parties in honeymoon elections. This paper argues that different levels of power separation in presidentialism and semi-presidentialism explain why the effects of honeymoon elections vary. Many existent studies indicated that in presidential systems, with total power separation, the largest and the third largest parties would gain in honeymoon elections that used proportional electoral systems..