自蘇聯解體後,在獨立國協境內發生了大規模的族群重新配置的現象,其中又以散佈在中亞、高加索與波羅的海等地區,數量超過二千五百萬的俄羅斯人最為顯著。環繞著這些俄羅斯人的重要課題之一,即是其新的認同形塑的問題。透過對此課題的了解,多樣的認同的存在,不只單是平行的現象,而是一種同一的多層次結構,彼此並不必然會在認同選擇的過程中出現衝突。
After Soviet Union disunited, ethnic groups redistributed on a large scale in the Commonwealth of Independence States, especially for the Russian exceeding twenty-five million around Central Asia, Caucasus and the area of Baltic Sea. Among these Russians, one of the significant issues is the formation of their new political identity. By understanding this issue, the existence of multiple identities is not only a parallel phenomenon, but also a multiple-layered structure that does not necessarily result in conflict in the proc..
本文的目的在於探討蜜月期選舉時程如何在半總統制下,對前三大政黨在國會選舉時的表現,產生不同於在總統制下所產生的影響。本文認為,由於總統制與半總統制的權力分立程度不同,所以導引出來的蜜月期選舉效應也就相異。根據既有文獻可知,在總統制下,因為權力完全分立,總統黨與第三黨在以具有比例性的選制所進行的蜜月期國會大選中會選得比較好,但本文認為這個效應無法類推到半總統制國家。在半總統制下,因為權力只有部分分立,國會大選是行政權選舉的第二階段,所以即便在蜜月期選舉時程中,..
This paper aims at exploring how semi-presidentialism differs from presidentialism in affecting electoral performance of three largest parties in honeymoon elections. This paper argues that different levels of power separation in presidentialism and semi-presidentialism explain why the effects of honeymoon elections vary. Many existent studies indicated that in presidential systems, with total power separation, the largest and the third largest parties would gain in honeymoon elections that used proportional electoral systems..
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