歐洲統合的進程在經濟、文化與推動西方普世價值方面已使得歐洲聯盟成為一個全球「公民強權」的角色,但是是否藉此轉化成為一個「軍事強權」,仍然是歐盟各會員國爭論的焦點。從馬斯垂克條約將「共同外交與安全政策」納入歐盟決策的三大支柱之一後,歐盟在外交與安全政策的合作才開始具備法律的基礎。但是一九九0年代發生於歐洲本身的區域衝突,凸顯歐盟在解決歐洲本身軍事爭端時的無力感。在一九九0年代末期發展出的「歐洲安全與防衛政策」即著眼於歐盟自主軍事力量的整合與強化,以期因應未來可能發生的區域與國際衝突。
本文的主要目的在探討「歐洲安全與防衛政策」在一九九九年正式成立至今,在軍事面向的發展過程,是否強化歐盟的「軍事強權」的角色,以及經由防衛與軍事政策的合作,對於歐盟全球角色的影響為何。本文將首先探討「歐洲安全與防衛政策」的發展過程以及促成此政策成形的關鍵性因素; 之後將討論歐盟軍事層面提升的數項重要面向,以檢驗歐盟未來面對國際衝突所具備反應能力的利基; 同時本文也將探討歐盟在「歐洲安全與防衛政策」發展的可能變數; 最後,本文將總結歐盟在軍事面向的強化對於歐盟「軍事強權」角色定位與全球戰略地位的影響。
The process of the European integration in economic, cultural and universalising Western values in the past half century has reinforced EU's role as a global “civilian power”. The 1992 Maastricht Treaty founded a “Common Foreign and Security Policy ”, as one of the three pillars of EU, providing c0operation of foreign and security policies among member states with a legal basis. Nevertheless, regional conflicts in Europe of hte 90s only demonstrated that EU was not yet capable of solving military conflicts in its “backyard”. Accordingly, the “European Security and Defence Policy” was introduced in the late 90s with an aim for coordinating and fortifying military capabilities of EU member states to cope with future conflicts in its own region and beyond.
This article attempts to explore the impacts that the military cooperations have had on EU's global role by focusing on the military dimension of the ESDP. Starting by discussing the development of the ESDP and some defining factors in shaping the policy, this article examines several elements that have determined the enhanced military cooperations. Moreover, the possible opportunities and challenges of EU's military capabilities are proposed. The article finally concludes with the emphasis on the prospects of a “military power” role EU plays, together with EU's strategic position on the global level.
隨著近年「印太」成為國際關係與外交研究的重要詞彙,歐盟於2021年4月首次提出「印太戰略」,並特別強調與東協在印太區域合作的重要性。事實上,歐盟自2010年代以來受到全球經濟重心東移、亞洲地緣政治競爭激烈等結構性因素影響,已加速與東協的「第三波區域間主義(Third Interregionalism)」發展;除與東協國家洽簽經濟協定,並於2020年底將原有與東協的對話夥伴關係升級為戰略夥伴關係。本文主張歐盟透過與東協國家洽簽經濟協定以增強其「印太戰略」的效力,而雙邊升級的關係不但強化東協..
Indo-Pacific strategies have become salient in international relations and diplomatic studies. In April 2021, the European Union (EU) for the first time declared its own Indo-Pacific strategy and emphasized the importance of cooperation with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In fact, global systemic factors such as the shift of economic power to Asia and the intense geopolitical rivalry in the region have galvanized the evolution of the Third Interregionalism between the EU and ASEAN. Other than economic agreements, both b..
本文所要探討的是一個尚未回答的問題,也就是歐盟的法律地位問題,換句話說,歐盟在法律上屬於哪一類型的政治組織? 很顯然的,以傳統法律術語裡面所定義的聯邦去定位歐盟並不合適。目前的歐盟,既不是聯邦,也不應視為聯邦。當然,她也不能被稱為一個國家,因為她並沒有也不願爭取做為一個國家所必須具備的最高決策權力。根據歐盟憲法條約草案第一條第十一項第二款的規定,歐盟任何一種權力的取得以歐盟成員國的個別授權為限。因此,如何定義歐盟,至今還沒有人給過一個大家都能接受的答案。 筆者認為,給予歐..
The article deals with an unanswered question of how the legal status of the European Union may be characterized. In other words: What kind of political community the EU belongs to? It is rather easy to demonstrate that the juridical terms, which were used traditionally to define federally organized political units, are not appropriate to characterize the European Union. It may not be treated as a confederation of soveregin states nor as a federal state, and the EU itself resists being called a state at all. It is because that the EU do..
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