兩岸關係基本結構「政治疏離、經濟融合」，素有「經濟能否扭轉政治」之辯論。過去研究多直接討論經濟交流下的政治效果，卻較少對於經濟 「如何」影響政治多加描繪，使政治效果產出之前經濟發揮之「潛移默化過程」未能清楚交代。為能釐清經濟如何發揮政治影響力，本文以兩岸經貿交流現況中，大陸著力甚深的「台灣農漁產品採購」政策，聚焦兩岸首次漁業契作:「學甲—上海虱目魚契作」，討論經濟影響政治的機制及其作用。根據本文研究，中共對台農漁採購政策效果並不在於立即性的扭轉台灣民眾的政治認同，而是以經貿交流作為降低敵意與培養互信的工具，關鍵在建立與台灣基層民眾的利益聯盟，紮根台灣南部基層民心，累積兩岸關係和平發展的社會經濟基礎。
Since the two sides of the Taiwan Strait restarted economic negotiations and signed a number of socio-economic agreements, there has been growing interests in the political implications of the economic linkage. While previous studies mostly illustrated various political outcomes of Cross-Strait economic exchanges, they tended to overlook how China can utilize its economic leverage to influence Taiwan. This paper argues that China’s preferential policies toward Taiwan farmers did not aim to alter Taiwanese identity in the short term. Rather, by analyzing how China contracted with Xuejia’s fish farmers in details, this paper shows that the increasing economic interaction may become a mechanism for enhancing trust and reducing hostility towards China among Taiwan’s general public. In short, Cross-Strait economic exchange may serve as a conveyor belt for ideas and establish coalition of interests for the people on both sides of the Straits.
「自決」一詞，在民主政治的發展上，主要是指人民享有選擇自己政府與統治形式的權利。而自決運動，在多元面貌的發展之下，卻是變得極為複雜而難解。國際政治與國際法在不同時空背景之下，賦予自決不同的定義與權利。而20世紀90年代以後的自決運動實踐，已經遠遠超過60年代殖民地解放運動的範圍。造成此一急遽發展，歸因於蘇聯解體與冷戰時代的結束、國際政治大環境對人權原則的重視，以及近來開放民主與自由經濟理論的提倡等三大因素。雖然當前的國際法多不願意明白承認殖民地..
Self-determination is a concept in principle, by which the people having rights to form their own state or government. However, the movement of self-determination of the 20th century is becoming a very complicated issue with various definitions under international politics and laws. Since the 1990s, the practice of self-determination movement has far exceeded the legal framework, as originally considered for the independence of post-war colonies in the 1960s. The increasing relevance and importance of the problem in secession are due ..
本文探究歐盟整合過程中出現的多樣性整合模式，並進而探討不同的整合模式對兩岸關係的適用性為何。依據「國家認同與定位的相關性」及「是否為領導或創始國」等兩項變數，本文區分出歐盟四種整合模式:德國模式對整合運動的承諾與支持度最高，其次為芬蘭模式與法國模式，英國模式則為最低。基於台灣與中國大陸政府對台灣主權存在爭議的現實，持願景路線的德國或法國模式均無法適用於兩岸關係的整合模式，兩岸整合前景最好的情況為芬蘭模式，最不理想為英國模式。模型化的結果因而可以解釋為何兩岸日..
This paper investigates the diverse approaches of EU members’ integration with the EU through modeling, and assesses the applicability of each model to the Taiwan-China relations. Building upon two variables – ‘the association with national identity and reorientation’, and ‘being the leading or founding member’ – four EU members’ integrative models stand out. The German model is proven to be the most integrationist, followed by the Finnish and the French models. The UK model app..
請輸入想查詢的期刊標題、關鍵字、作者相關資訊. Please enter the journal title, keywords, and author-related information you want to query.