受到中央集權歷史傳統之影響,法國地方建制乃是以「鞏固行政權」或 「代行行政權」為特色;即使歷經了兩波「去中央集權化」,法國的行政權優勢性依然扮演重要角色,且造成中央集權與「地方分權」並進之現象。在進入第五共和時期後,「強行政、弱立法」的制度特徵,以及隨著修憲而逐步建立的「體制大總統化」,更確認了法國總統在行政權運作當中的核心定位,並使「優勢行政權」成為論述法國政治發展的重點。
從憲政研究的角度來看,論者經常是以「總統化」闡述法國憲政運作當中有關總理對政策的主導性低,或者國會無力制衡等問題;然而,若回到中央集權與優勢行政權的關連,則法國中央地方關係的治理架構,在中央集權與地方分權並進下,卻呈現更為複雜之樣態,並牽動優勢行政權的展現。另外,由於法國國會議員普遍兼任地方職的身分,使得探討憲政運作中的行政權優勢時同樣無法忽略國會議員與地方團體之連結,更顯示出中央地方關係理應成為探究法國憲政運作的重要面向。職此,本文將說明,法國一方面受到中央集權的歷史背景以及第五共和憲政運作之影響,使法國總統成為政治集權的重要象徵;另一方面,正是基於優勢行政權的政治發展特徵,導致法國地方行政首長與中央政府的政治角力,而國會議員兼任地方職等因素,也連帶牽動了行政權運作,和行政、立法互動關係。
This paper reinvestigates dominant executive power in France. Due to France’s historical background as a highly centralized state, local governments play a role in “consolidating” or “acting for” executive power. Even though France has encountered two waves of reforms of decentralization, executive power is still more dominant than legislative power, a characteristic of the Fifth Republic. Nevertheless, amendments to the constitution have placed the President at the center of the operations of executive power, which results in a highly “presidentialized” semi- presidential regime. Therefore, the phenomenon of executive dominance is crucial for discussions of political development in France. In reference to constitutional operations in France, most literature on constitutional research has stated the problems in Prime Minister’s role in policy-making process or Parliament’s inability to supervise executive power from the perspective of “presidentialization.” However, concerning the relation between power centralization and executive dominance, connection between legislators (many of whom held local position)and local autonomous groups, the central-local administrative structure show greater complexity in influencing dominant executive power.. Thus, the central-local relationship is a vital issue in discussing constitutional operations in France.
This paper argues that dominant executive power in France has two features. On one hand, the President is the head of both the central government and local affairs due to France’s history. On the other hand, political struggles between local executive heads and the central government as well as members of Parliament who held local positions also influence executive power and executive-legislative interactions from the bottom.
本文的目的在於探討蜜月期選舉時程如何在半總統制下,對前三大政黨在國會選舉時的表現,產生不同於在總統制下所產生的影響。本文認為,由於總統制與半總統制的權力分立程度不同,所以導引出來的蜜月期選舉效應也就相異。根據既有文獻可知,在總統制下,因為權力完全分立,總統黨與第三黨在以具有比例性的選制所進行的蜜月期國會大選中會選得比較好,但本文認為這個效應無法類推到半總統制國家。在半總統制下,因為權力只有部分分立,國會大選是行政權選舉的第二階段,所以即便在蜜月期選舉時程中,..
This paper aims at exploring how semi-presidentialism differs from presidentialism in affecting electoral performance of three largest parties in honeymoon elections. This paper argues that different levels of power separation in presidentialism and semi-presidentialism explain why the effects of honeymoon elections vary. Many existent studies indicated that in presidential systems, with total power separation, the largest and the third largest parties would gain in honeymoon elections that used proportional electoral systems..
現今半總統制國家數目已經正式超越純粹總統制與內閣制,成為當今最多國家採用的政體類型。近來部分研究關注於半總統制國家的演化發展,除探討半總統制國家朝向內閣制傾斜的演化趨勢外,半總統制國家朝向「總統化」(presidentialisation)發展現象也成為學界關心的新研究焦點。本研究嘗試從半總統制國家朝向總統化發展的角度,探討總統化的定義內涵與演化動力、總統化對於政黨體系的影響,特別著重於總統化對於內閣性質以及內閣穩定度(stability of cabine..
The semi-presidential system has become the most popular regime type in the world, indicated by the number of states that adopted the system having surpassed that of purely presidential system and the parliamentary system since 2000. A number of major studies have recently focused on the evolution of semi-presidentialism; some of the researches have sketched the working mode of parlimentalization of semi-presidential system, and considerable studies have been paying attentions to the development of a semi-presidential system ..
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