本文提出雙重政商關係的理論架構以探討中國因素對臺灣媒體自我審查的影響力消長。本文主張:臺灣媒體實施外導型自我審查的程度，取決 於其跨海峽政商關係與在地政商關係的相對強度。針對旺中集團與三立集團的比較個案研究發現:當某臺灣媒體的跨海峽政商關係比在地政商關係更加強化時，該媒體便會採取或增加外導型自我審查;而當其在地政商關係比跨海峽政商關係更加強化時，則會減少或取消外導型自我審查。本研究結果有助於了解中國因素影響力消長的條件、補充現有研究對於媒體自我審查增減的解釋，亦有助於思考對中國因素影響的因應政策。
This article provides a theoretical framework of dual government-business relations to explore the rise and decline of China’s influence on Taiwanese media’s self-censorship. It argues that the extent to which a Taiwanese media firm conducts external-induced self-censorship under Beijing’s influence hinges on the relative strength between its local and cross-strait government- business relations. The comparative case study of the Want Want-China Times Media Group and the Sanlih E-Television Group indicates that (1) a Taiwanese media firm is more likely to implement external-induced self- censorship when its cross-strait government-business relations are more robust than its local government-business relations, and that (2) a Taiwanese media firm’s external-induced self-censorship will reduce when its local government- business relations are more substantial than its cross-strait government-business relations. The research results improve our understanding of the conditions underlying China’s influence on Taiwanese media, supplement the explanation of the growth and decline of the media’s self-censorship, and facilitate the deliberations on policies responding to China’s influence.
過去的研究指出在 1996 至 2008 年臺灣四次總統選舉中，認同是一個影響選民投票抉擇的重要因素，在 2012 年的總統選舉中，認同是否仍然為一個重要的影響因素，是本文的主要探討問題。本文首先從認同理論的界限設定觀點，討論臺灣認同的階段，提出臺灣認同已從第一階段的「省籍」對立，到第二階段的「臺灣意識/中國意識」之爭，而在兩岸恢復交流後，因為認同界限的改變(臺灣 vs.中國)，進入到第三階段的「國家認同」層次。在第三個階段，臺灣與中國之間存在文化聯繫與政治..
Previous studies show that identity is an important factor in voting choice in the past four Taiwanese presidential elections between 1996 and 2008. This paper aims to explore whether identity still retains its impact on voting choice in the 2012 presidential election. The author starts with the discussion on the development of the Taiwan identity. Theoretically, identity can be regarded as a type of boundary setting and its development includes three stages. The first stage is the distinction between Benshengren and Mainland..
東南亞在亞太政經體系中的重要性逐日提升，從而使得主要大國持續策畫新區域戰略，積極布局東南亞國家及社會，藉以強化自身的影響力。臺灣在 2016 年再次經歷政黨輪替，蔡英文總統啟動新南向政策作為建立臺灣與周邊區域全面連結的新戰略。新南向政策設定「以人為本」的主軸，除了重 新建構臺灣的區域定位，亦在經貿合作、人才交流、資源共享與區域鏈結等四個面向深耕臺灣與新南向區域、國家及社會的協力關係。本研究分別從制度與網絡兩個軸線分析新南向政策的進展:首先，在制度軸線方面，本..
The strategic importance of Southeast Asia is increasingly weighted in recent years among Asia-Pacific major powers and Taiwan. Since 2016, as Taiwan experienced another power transition, President Tsai Ing-Wen initiated the New Southbound Policy as her flagship strategy to link up Taiwan with neighboring countries. A people-centered rationale of the New Southbound Policy aims at reconstructing Taiwan’s regional identity, deepening its relation with regional countries and contributing to local societies. This paper disc..
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