本文探究歐盟整合過程中出現的多樣性整合模式,並進而探討不同的整合模式對兩岸關係的適用性為何。依據「國家認同與定位的相關性」及「是否為領導或創始國」等兩項變數,本文區分出歐盟四種整合模式:德國模式對整合運動的承諾與支持度最高,其次為芬蘭模式與法國模式,英國模式則為最低。基於台灣與中國大陸政府對台灣主權存在爭議的現實,持願景路線的德國或法國模式均無法適用於兩岸關係的整合模式,兩岸整合前景最好的情況為芬蘭模式,最不理想為英國模式。模型化的結果因而可以解釋為何兩岸日..
This paper investigates the diverse approaches of EU members’ integration with the EU through modeling, and assesses the applicability of each model to the Taiwan-China relations. Building upon two variables – ‘the association with national identity and reorientation’, and ‘being the leading or founding member’ – four EU members’ integrative models stand out. The German model is proven to be the most integrationist, followed by the Finnish and the French models. The UK model app..
本研究以為,兩岸關係的核心議題即為經濟合作擴溢到政治協議的爭 論,原因在於其涉及政黨認同、族群意識、國家認同、臺海安全,以及經濟 發展等各種複雜因素。鑑於經濟合作為當前臺灣兩岸關係進程的關鍵議題, 本研究以「新自由制度主義」(neo-liberal institutionalism)作為研究架構,分 析在 2010 年簽訂「海峽兩岸經濟合作架構協議」(Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, ECFA)之後,臺灣民眾..
As far as cross-Strait relations are concerned, the core issue could be the argument about the spillover effects from economic cooperation toward political negotiations, because it closely relates to party identification, ethnic consciousness, national identity, cross-Strait security, and economic development. In light of the critical agenda of cross-Strait economic cooperation, this study employs neo-liberal institutionalism as the theoretical framework, and examines the impact of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement..
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