本文提出雙重政商關係的理論架構以探討中國因素對臺灣媒體自我審查的影響力消長。本文主張:臺灣媒體實施外導型自我審查的程度，取決 於其跨海峽政商關係與在地政商關係的相對強度。針對旺中集團與三立集團的比較個案研究發現:當某臺灣媒體的跨海峽政商關係比在地政商關係更加強化時，該媒體便會採取或增加外導型自我審查;而當其在地政商關係比跨海峽政商關係更加強化時，則會減少或取消外導型自我審查。本研究結果有助於了解中國因素影響力消長的條件、補充現有研究對於媒體自我審查增減的解釋，亦有助於思考對中國因素影響的因應政策。
This article provides a theoretical framework of dual government-business relations to explore the rise and decline of China’s influence on Taiwanese media’s self-censorship. It argues that the extent to which a Taiwanese media firm conducts external-induced self-censorship under Beijing’s influence hinges on the relative strength between its local and cross-strait government- business relations. The comparative case study of the Want Want-China Times Media Group and the Sanlih E-Television Group indicates that (1) a Taiwanese media firm is more likely to implement external-induced self- censorship when its cross-strait government-business relations are more robust than its local government-business relations, and that (2) a Taiwanese media firm’s external-induced self-censorship will reduce when its local government- business relations are more substantial than its cross-strait government-business relations. The research results improve our understanding of the conditions underlying China’s influence on Taiwanese media, supplement the explanation of the growth and decline of the media’s self-censorship, and facilitate the deliberations on policies responding to China’s influence.
本文探討半總統制下的立法課責，以臺灣與法國為個案進行比較研究。「立法課責」指如何讓立法者(集體或個別)的所作所為能為利害關係人知道，而據以獎懲。過去比較臺、法的研究發現，總理總統制的法國，國會的運作型態較偏內閣制;總統議會制的臺灣，運作則較偏總統制，因而在傳統印象上，多會認為法國會較重視以政黨為對象的集體課責，臺灣則可能較偏重以候選人或立委為對象的個別課責。 本文乃透過制度規範上對選舉前與選舉後的資訊公開要求，比較臺灣與法國在集體課責與個別課..
This paper explores the legislative accountability under semi- presidentialism and uses the case study approach to compare Taiwan with France. “Legislative accountability” refers to how the actions of legislators (collectively or individually) can be known to interested parties, and how rewards and punishments can be used accordingly. The literature comparing Taiwan and France in the past found that the parliamentary operation of the French premier-presidential system is most similar to a cabinet system; whereas Taiwan’s p..
1972 年斷交後的台日雙邊關係，在歷經了艱難時代、冷戰後的現在，迎接新時代。即使台日雙邊沒有正式的外交關係，但是以經貿關係、多元的文化交流為主的民間交流支撐雙邊關係順利地發展。由於台日之間沒有正式的關係，不得不借用「交流協會」與「亞東關係協會」等非官方的機構、管道來維持雙方的互動關係。 本文的主要目的是立足於特殊的雙邊關係結構，探討參與日本對台決策的組織、制度、過程及行動者之間的互動關係，進而企圖建立日本對台政策的模型，嘗試分析、比較..
Diplomatic relations between the Republic of China (Taiwan) and Japan were broken in 1972 - although non-governmental exchanges have continued through the post-Cold War period - and are now entering new era. Despite the lack of formal diplomatic relations, non-governmental exchanges that focus on close economic and trade ties and a multiplicity of cultural exchanges have promoted the smooth development of bilateral relations. Due to the diplomatic break-off, substantive relations need to be conducted through non-governmental ..
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