美國在小布希與歐巴馬兩任政府主政時期,對馬來西亞的政策出現顯著差異。當前多數文獻以「雙邊─多邊」或「軍事─經濟」的兩組對照作為比較基礎,而本文在具體耙梳兩屆政府在美馬經貿與安全合作的政策異同之後,發現上述兩組對照分析模式有過於簡化之嫌,因此提出以外交取向的本質作為出發點,深入研究小布希與歐巴馬政府對馬政策的異同。以美馬反恐和南海議題上的合作為案例進行分析之後,本文發現小布希政府的對馬政策是功能取向的,因此著重對馬政策的工具性與利益界定,導致雙邊關係發展受限於..
Since the Obama administration initiated the “Rebalancing toward Asia” policy, development of US-Malaysia relationship has been one of the crucial topics. Many researchers have suggested that Obama’s policy toward Malaysia is more successful than that of Bush’s, and most works have followed the framework of “bilateralism vs. multilateralism” and “security- oriented vs. economy-oriented” to make a strategic comparison. This article examines such frameworks and argues that they ar..
自我國與美國斷交後,過去40年來,美國政府對臺軍售始終為美國作為兩岸關係第三方影響的重要課題,亦為在兩岸間「衝突預防」的政策工具。美國對於臺灣的安全承諾,長期擺盪在安全利益與民主聲譽之間,亦根源於行政部門和國會之間的立場分野。有別於過去的分析途徑,本文從外交政策分析(FPA)的理論視角切入,以總統決策機制為分析單元,討論美國總統在對臺軍售決策機制中究竟扮演的關鍵角色,以總統任期、領導人安全觀及府會結構三項解釋變數,檢視歷屆美國總統對於公布軍售和..
Since the United States switched diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing, the U.S arms sales to Taiwan have been a critical issue affecting the Cross-Strait relations for the past 40 years. In order to preserve stability in the Taiwan Strait, maintaining sufficient self-defense capability for Taiwan has been the major goal of the United States. However, the U.S security commitment to Taiwan has long been fluctuating between security interests and democratic reputation. It also depends on the stance of the executive bran..
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