As one of the distant water fishing nations (DWFNs) in the world, Taiwan is not able to participate in or access the works of many international organizations, including regional fisheries management organizations (RFMOs), due to the fact that Taiwan’s statehood is not recognized by the United Nations and most States. The term “Fishing Entities” was created in the 1995 United Nations Fish Stocks Agreement (UNFSA), in which it has also opened a window of opportunity for Taiwan in the participation of international organizations. However, both procedures applicable to and rights enjoyed by Taiwan under the capacity of a “Fishing Entity” vary in different time periods and RFMOs.
After analysis, in the early stage procedures applied to and rights enjoyed by a Fishing Entity and a Contracting Party are almost the same in the Western and Central Pacific Fisheries Commission (WCPFC) and the Inter-American Tropic Tuna Commission (IATTC). However, in RFMOs that Taiwan has just recently become Members, Taiwan continues to enjoy rights and procedures similar to those of WCPFC in the North Pacific Fisheries Commission (NPFC) because of the strong assistance from the United States. But in the South Pacific Regional Fisheries Management Organisations (SPRFMO), procedures applied to and rights enjoyed by a Fishing Entity are significantly less and restricted than those in the previous three organizations. In addition, Taiwan was only allowed to participate as a “Special Observer” when negotiating in the SPRFMO Convention, in which high seas boarding and inspection (HSBI) procedures also only apply to Contracting Parties.
In conclusion, procedures applied to and rights enjoyed by Fishing Entity in RFMOs seem more and more restricted recently, and the gap between a Fishing Entity and a Contracting Party gradually moves further apart. As a strong DWFN, such developmental tendency will inevitably affect rights enjoyed by Taiwan when participating in new RFMOs in the future, and should thus be worthy of continued attention.
This paper explores the legislative accountability under semi- presidentialism and uses the case study approach to compare Taiwan with France. “Legislative accountability” refers to how the actions of legislators (collectively or individually) can be known to interested parties, and how rewards and punishments can be used accordingly. The literature comparing Taiwan and France in the past found that the parliamentary operation of the French premier-presidential system is most similar to a cabinet system; whereas Taiwan’s p..
東南亞在亞太政經體系中的重要性逐日提升，從而使得主要大國持續策畫新區域戰略，積極布局東南亞國家及社會，藉以強化自身的影響力。臺灣在 2016 年再次經歷政黨輪替，蔡英文總統啟動新南向政策作為建立臺灣與周邊區域全面連結的新戰略。新南向政策設定「以人為本」的主軸，除了重 新建構臺灣的區域定位，亦在經貿合作、人才交流、資源共享與區域鏈結等四個面向深耕臺灣與新南向區域、國家及社會的協力關係。本研究分別從制度與網絡兩個軸線分析新南向政策的進展:首先，在制度軸線方面，本..
The strategic importance of Southeast Asia is increasingly weighted in recent years among Asia-Pacific major powers and Taiwan. Since 2016, as Taiwan experienced another power transition, President Tsai Ing-Wen initiated the New Southbound Policy as her flagship strategy to link up Taiwan with neighboring countries. A people-centered rationale of the New Southbound Policy aims at reconstructing Taiwan’s regional identity, deepening its relation with regional countries and contributing to local societies. This paper disc..
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