傳統國際關係研究在討論霸權的相關課題時,多是探索霸權相對權力優勢的消長,認為失去權力優勢的霸權,將難逃新興國家的挑戰,霸權交替萌起於無可避免的霸權戰爭。國關學界依順國際政治是一種權力競爭的思路,多是以物質權力作為評量霸權的基準,相對忽視權威暨治理正當性等因素在構成霸業的作用,進而忽略霸權領導的治理權威,霸權如何維繫霸業的討論,更限縮在有限的強制宰制,忽視正當性對強化霸權統御的作用。
本文試圖檢驗權威在霸權治理過程中所扮演的角色與作用,以為霸業更迭是國際治理權威的轉換,它不單是涉及相對權力優勢的取得,更需取得被支配國家的服從,以及霸權治理的正當性。本文首先將評析領導視角下的霸權與霸業,其次論述權威在霸權治理的構成,第三部分討論治理權威與權力優勢在維繫霸業的相互作用,最後回顧美國的霸權治理,希冀能勾勒出霸權治理權威消長的完整面貌。
IR studies on hegemony have paid much attention on the relative decline and uprising of powers, which has constituted the perspective that the factors of uneven-growth will cause the downfall of hegemony and the rising power will replace the old one after the former poses great challenges to the declining hegemon and wins the hegemonic war. Though the term of hegemony has deeply implied the characters of leadership, IR generally defines the hegemony as an international order within which one state constitute her dominance with power supremacy. Little discussion has ever been engaged to issues about how the hegemon constitute the ruling authority in her way to maintaining her global leadership.
This paper tries to demonstrate the role and effects of hegemonic authority. It argues that the shifting of hegemonic power is the transition of international authority of hegemonic governance. It refers not only to the possessing of relative power superiority, but also the consent of subordinated states, as well as the legitimate grounds of hegemonic ruling. The first part of this paper will define the hegemony from the perspective of leadership. The construction of hegemonic authority is the second part. The third part presents the interactive relationships between the power supremacy and the authority in the hegemony. The historical reviews on the US hegemonic governance in the past years will constitute the final part of this paper. It concludes that much research on the hegemonic authority will provide a fresh point to the causes and effects about the rise and fall of hegemony.
於2019年底爆發之COVID-19病毒大流行再度引起政治學界對於國家的政體類型與公衛治理效能兩者關聯性之關注,惟目前對於政體因素的影響力以及關於相異政體孰勝孰負的論點未見統一,故本文嘗試透過質性與量化混合的途徑重新審視此爭辯。綜合而言,以2020年為觀察年度的研究範圍中,本研究的量化分析顯示,在其他條件不變的情況下,愈民主的國家呈現愈高死亡率之相關性。再者,本文之個案研究發現,在東亞國家的防疫過程中,非民主政體的國家展現較高的政府擴權程度,進而使這類國家的政府呈現出相對於民主國家較好之..
The COVID-19 pandemic that broke out at the end of 2019 has once again drawn the attention of political scientists to the correlation between regime types and public health governance. However, the current scholarly discourse lacks consensus on the influence of political regime factors and the comparative advantages or disadvantages among different regime types. Therefore, this paper attempts to re-examine this debate through a mixed qualitative and quantitative approach. In this study, a comprehensive analysis was conducted for the year 20..
歐債危機的發生表現在數個歐元會員國面臨高政府赤字、高負債的財政困境,故被統稱為歐債危機,但事實上此一危機是由數個性質不盡相同的個別危機所組成:希臘危機本質上為一財政紀律蕩然的政府治理危機;愛爾蘭與西班牙危機則為美國次貸危機所引發的不動產資產泡沫與銀行危機;義大利與葡萄牙危機則涉及結構性的長期成長危機。依此本質而言,德國所推動的撙節方案與財政公約僅涉及到公部門改革與恢復財政紀律等面向,只能對危機的終結提供部分的答案。財政紀律的執行與危機的解決有賴成長與就業的提..
The European sovereign debt crisis emerged from a few euro members being stuck with high-deficits and high-indebtedness, and thus is oversimplified to be referred to as the euro debt crisis. It, in fact, consists of several individual crises with different causes. The Greek crisis was a governance crisis that lacks of fiscal disciple by nature; the Irish and Spanish crises were the bubble crisis of the property sector and banking crisis caused by the US sub-prime crisis; the Italian and Portuguese crises involve more structur..
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