本文研究政體類型與包括稅前和租稅補貼在內的能源補貼間的關係,並討論這種關係如何被通貨膨脹程度所制約。文中指出不同政權的生存邏輯和不同類型能源補貼的成本,是影響民主和威權政府能源補貼政策差異的重要因素。稅前補貼需要政府編列預算支應部分能源供應的成本,政府不易迴避。因為威權政體優先考量社會穩定,所以在稅前燃料補貼上的支出比民主政體來得多。租稅補貼是指刻意不對能源商品使用的外部性進行賦稅,處理外部性的重要性沒有滿足人民基本物資價格的穩定來得高,而且提供這些補貼的成本可以留給未來世代,所以兩種政體的政治領導人都較願意提供這些補貼。不過不同政體提供能源補貼的決定還與通貨膨脹程度有關,因為當一個國家的通貨膨脹情形嚴重時,政府提供補貼的意願會跟著降低。稅前補貼涉及能源供應的成本,政府不易迴避,民主政府在必須負擔較多公共財支出的情況下,當通貨膨脹率高,仍會選擇提供較少的稅前補貼。與此相對,租稅補貼是未來世代才會要負擔的成本,政府的財政壓力也小,因此通貨膨脹率高時,民主國家提供的租稅補貼也跟著增加,與威權體制間差異縮小。這些發現,清楚地說明不管通貨膨脹的高低,民主國家相對威權體制提供較少的稅前能源補貼,且在低通貨膨脹程度的情況下,也提供較少的租稅補貼。
This paper examines the relationship between regime type and energy subsidies, including pre-tax and tax subsidies, and discusses how these relationships are mediated by the degree of inflation. The paper suggests that the logic of political survival and the costs of energy subsidies are two of the main factors shaping energy subsidy policies. Pre-tax subsidies require the government to budget for part of the cost, which is not easy for the government to avoid. Since authoritarian regimes prioritize social stability, they spend more on pre-tax fuel subsidies than democracies. Dealing with the externality of energy commodities is less important for political survival than keeping the price of basic goods affordable. Moreover, the costs of providing tax subsidies can be passed on to future generations. Political leaders in both regimes are more willing to provide these subsidies. However, the decision to provide energy subsidies is also related to the level of inflation, as high inflation often preventing a country from reforming subsidies. Democratic governments tend to provide less pre-tax subsidies even when inflation is high because they have to bear more of the public's financial costs. In contrast, tax subsidies are a cost that will only be borne by future generations, so governments are under less financial pressure to provide them. The subsidy behaviors of the two regimes are similar under this condition. These findings clearly show that, regardless of inflation, democracies provide less pre-tax energy subsidies than authoritarian regimes, and they also provide less tax subsidies given low levels of inflation.
拉丁美洲許多國家在第三波民主化浪潮中歷經政體轉型,在比較政治學界中為一重要的研究課題。有別於既有文獻從總體層次、或是國際層次的因素來探討政體變遷,本論文主張跨國人權非政府組織網絡對於民主轉型具有重要的促進效果。本研究以拉丁美洲18個威權體制(1969∼1995) 的資料為基礎,運用量化方法對於上述主張進行系統性的驗證。本研究的實證分析顯示,在其他條件不變的情況下,一個威權國家若有愈密集的跨國人權非政府組織動員網絡,則該國愈有可能歷經民主轉型。綜合而言,本論文的創新之處在於透過嚴謹..
The regime change of many Latin American countries under the Third Wave of democratization has been a crucial topic in the field of comparative politics. Unlike previous literature that examines how democratic transition is shaped by macro-level or international-level factors, this study argues that transnational human rights NGOs networks play a significant factor in promoting democratic transition. Using data of 18 authoritarian regimes in Latin America between 1969 and 1995, the quantitative analysis demonstrates that a higher level of t..
於2019年底爆發之COVID-19病毒大流行再度引起政治學界對於國家的政體類型與公衛治理效能兩者關聯性之關注,惟目前對於政體因素的影響力以及關於相異政體孰勝孰負的論點未見統一,故本文嘗試透過質性與量化混合的途徑重新審視此爭辯。綜合而言,以2020年為觀察年度的研究範圍中,本研究的量化分析顯示,在其他條件不變的情況下,愈民主的國家呈現愈高死亡率之相關性。再者,本文之個案研究發現,在東亞國家的防疫過程中,非民主政體的國家展現較高的政府擴權程度,進而使這類國家的政府呈現出相對於民主國家較好之..
The COVID-19 pandemic that broke out at the end of 2019 has once again drawn the attention of political scientists to the correlation between regime types and public health governance. However, the current scholarly discourse lacks consensus on the influence of political regime factors and the comparative advantages or disadvantages among different regime types. Therefore, this paper attempts to re-examine this debate through a mixed qualitative and quantitative approach. In this study, a comprehensive analysis was conducted for the year 20..
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