過去的研究指出在 1996 至 2008 年臺灣四次總統選舉中,認同是一個影響選民投票抉擇的重要因素,在 2012 年的總統選舉中,認同是否仍然為一個重要的影響因素,是本文的主要探討問題。本文首先從認同理論的界限設定觀點,討論臺灣認同的階段,提出臺灣認同已從第一階段的「省籍」對立,到第二階段的「臺灣意識/中國意識」之爭,而在兩岸恢復交流後,因為認同界限的改變(臺灣 vs.中國),進入到第三階段的「國家認同」層次。在第三個階段,臺灣與中國之間存在文化聯繫與政治..
Previous studies show that identity is an important factor in voting choice in the past four Taiwanese presidential elections between 1996 and 2008. This paper aims to explore whether identity still retains its impact on voting choice in the 2012 presidential election. The author starts with the discussion on the development of the Taiwan identity. Theoretically, identity can be regarded as a type of boundary setting and its development includes three stages. The first stage is the distinction between Benshengren and Mainland..
本文以「邊緣性」(marginality)的概念,詮釋小國愛沙尼亞(Estonia)的安全政策。「邊緣性」兼具地緣政治、認同、權力關係等多重意涵,適合用以探討小國的安全政策。從此觀點來看,位居邊緣位置的小國,不必然總是受制於中心或大國主導的秩序;由於前者本身是構成秩序的一部分,它也具有影響中心的可能性。後冷戰時期的愛沙尼亞,在外交與安全政策上可說由俄羅斯轉向西方。在這個置換中心的過程中,它一方面向新的中心(北約與歐盟)表達向心力,積極參與其主導的秩序,另一方..
This paper attempts to (re)interpret Estonia’s security policy by adopting the concept of “marginality,” an idea that bears such elements as geopolitics, identity, size and power relations, and is therefore suitable for studying small states’ security policies. A small state located at the margin is not necessarily constrained by or subjected to the great power at the center, because as a constituent part of the very relationship, the margin always has certain potential to exert influence on the center..
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