本文主要分三大部分,首先從「新現實主義」、「新自由主義」與「善治」等三個角度,探索歐盟 (European Union/EU) 對中國政策的產出背景與運作邏輯。其次,本文將從實踐面著手,從歐盟與中國對彼此發表的八份文件,分析歐盟對中國政策的具體實踐,並檢視歐盟與中國在「軍售」、「WTO與市場經濟地位」以及「人權」三個問題上的互動與折衝。最後,本文將檢討與評估歐盟對中國政策的運作成效,以及歐盟內部成員國的立場對於歐盟對中國政策產出的影響,並展望歐盟的中國政策對其區域與全球戰略佈局的未來發展。
本文認為,新現實主義與新自由主義的思維仍將主導歐盟的中國政策,歐盟成員國間的立場與態度,也會對未來政策的走向具有一定的主導作用; 然而,在其全球戰略的規劃上,歐盟將積極納入「善治」的思維,用以推動與中國的交往和合作,以達到和平演變中國體制,並讓中國承擔更多全球治理責任,達成建立一個和平與穩定的國際社會的最終目標。
This article is divided into three major parts. It first explores the background and logic of EU's China policy from three aspectds : Neo-Realism, Neo-Liberalism and Good Governance. It then turns to practices and reviews EU's China policy based on eight documents issued by EU and China. It analyzes the reciprocity, negotiation, and compromise between EU and China on three issues of arms sales, WTO and market economy status, and human rights. In the final part, it reviews and evaluates the effect of EU's China policy and its member states' influence on the development of the policy, and looks into the role of its China policy in its future regional and global strategic deployment.
This article maintains that Neo-Realism and Neo-Liberalism will still dominate EU's China policy. The stance and attitude of its member states will affect its future policy. In its global strategy planning, EU will bring in the thinking of “Good Governance”, promotes its exchange and cooperation with China to achieve peaceful transformation of the Chinese regime, and to have China shoulders greater responsibility in global governance to reach for the final goal of a peaceful and stable international society.
拉丁美洲許多國家在第三波民主化浪潮中歷經政體轉型,在比較政治學界中為一重要的研究課題。有別於既有文獻從總體層次、或是國際層次的因素來探討政體變遷,本論文主張跨國人權非政府組織網絡對於民主轉型具有重要的促進效果。本研究以拉丁美洲18個威權體制(1969∼1995) 的資料為基礎,運用量化方法對於上述主張進行系統性的驗證。本研究的實證分析顯示,在其他條件不變的情況下,一個威權國家若有愈密集的跨國人權非政府組織動員網絡,則該國愈有可能歷經民主轉型。綜合而言,本論文的創新之處在於透過嚴謹..
The regime change of many Latin American countries under the Third Wave of democratization has been a crucial topic in the field of comparative politics. Unlike previous literature that examines how democratic transition is shaped by macro-level or international-level factors, this study argues that transnational human rights NGOs networks play a significant factor in promoting democratic transition. Using data of 18 authoritarian regimes in Latin America between 1969 and 1995, the quantitative analysis demonstrates that a higher level of t..
近年來,國際人權規範在東南亞地區出現了正面的發展趨勢,並引發了學界之興趣。然而現有研究多聚焦於東協區域人權機制的創建與後果,對於人權公約承諾的關注相對不足,所提供的解釋亦未能盡如人意。本文企圖透過量化資料的實證分析,探詢影響東南亞人權公約承諾的主要因素。透過觀察東南亞十國自1981年到2015年間對主要國際人權公約的承諾紀錄,本文驗證了主要理論觀點所歸納出的四項假設,實證分析結果顯示,規範論與理性論觀點在不同的人權公約中產生了一定的促進效果,然而並無證據支持..
The last few decades witnessed positive developments in terms of human rights across Southeast Asia. It is widely believed that progresses such as the creation of ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission of Human Rights (AICHR) suggested the willingness of regional countries to identify themselves with universal human rights. Nevertheless, no consensus has been reached in academia yet regarding human rights treaty commitment of regional countries. This article intends to make contribution to the knowledge of human rights treaty rat..
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