德國地方政府的行政區域重劃源自十九世紀末,甚至更早以前,不過,實施的範圍有限,而且主要集中在工業發達的魯爾區(Ruhrgebiet)。一直到 1960 年代因為社會變遷、經濟蓬勃發展,機動性的提高,人民對地方政府的要求不斷提高,而地方政府卻因為規模太小、行政能力薄弱,難以滿足人民的需求。而另一方面,由於地方自治的實質內容減少,地方自治的意義不斷被質疑,於是為了強化地方政府的治理能力、提升地方政府的行政能力和效率以及落實地方自治的精神,德國各邦政府從 1960 年代中期以後,開始進行行政區域改革。本文即是要探討德國在進行行政區域改革時所面臨的種種問題,包括:為什麼需要這麼做?有什麼選擇方案?會有哪些困難要面對? 如何減少阻礙?執行效果如何?這些都是本文試圖探討的。最後本文將以德國的行政區域改革為例,探討在台灣的應用可能。
The territorial reform in Germany at the local government level began in the end of the 19th century or even earlier. But the scale and the scope of its implementation was very limited and happened in the majority of cases in the Ruhr area. During the 1960s, the social situation had changed greatly, the economy boomed, and the mobility increased; the demand of people for local government had gradually enhanced on the one hand, but the real substance of self-administration had evidently reduced, so that the meaning of self- administration was constantly challenged on the other hand. Therefore it was necessary to reform the original territories of local government in order to improve the ability of governance and efficiency and the effect of local government and furthermore to fulfill the spirit of self-administration. That is the reason why the States of Germany began to carry out a territorial reform in the municipalities, rural districts and urban districts all over the country in the middle of the 1960s. This article explores the relevant issues on the territorial reform at the level of local government in Germany, for instance, the difficulties and the results of the reform as well as how to overcome these obstacles.
自從1989年共黨統治垮台之後,波蘭曾被視為前東歐共黨集團國家中最為成功的民主轉型和歐洲整合範例;然而,2015年「歐洲難民危機」 爆發之後,在「法律與公正黨」(PiS)領銜之下,伴隨著基進的反難民(移民)言論,卻為波蘭點燃前所未見的右翼狂潮,不僅已經成為二戰法西斯主義之後最顯眼的政治現象,也為現代西方自由民主政體制度帶來嚴峻的挑戰。從一個較為廣泛的波蘭脈絡出發,本文將從政治、文化和歷史三個面向,剖析難民危機安全化、基進反難民(移民)論述和今日政治右翼霸權(..
Since the fall of Communism in 1989, Poland has once been viewed as the most successful example of the democratic transition and European integration among former Eastern bloc nations. In the wake of 2015’s refugee crisis, however, a full-outbreak of Poland’s political right-wing movement with their radical anti-refugee/immigrant rhetoric, led by ‘Law and Justice’ (PiS), has already become the most striking political phenomenon in Europe since WWII’s fascism and posed a comprehensive challenge to..
本文主要的目的在於爬梳社會科學方法論中因果機制分析的發展和演進,並進一步評估政治學研究中如何運用因果機制來進行解釋以及討論相關的解釋效力的問題。本文將具體評析政治學國際關係領域中民主和平論之論點,以此來衡量政治學運用因果機制解釋的優勢和侷限。因果機制研究層面上,本文聚焦在機制的定義和類型、機制的觀察性、因果機制與因果關係、法則和中介變數的差異、機制的層次、機制的運作和測量、機制的路徑圖。因果機制運用層面上,本文側重於民主和平論的源起和演進、 民主和平論的重要論述、對於民主和平論的挑戰以及..
The main purpose of this paper is to parse out the development and evolution of causal mechanism and to further evaluate how political research adopts the method of causal mechanism to explain and discuss the explanatory effect in the field of qualitative methods. Our focus is to shed light on the causal mechanism of democratic peace theory in the field of international relations and to gauge its advantages and restraints. On the dimension of causal mechanism, this paper focuses on the definition of mechanism, observation of causal mechanis..
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