當代中國政治領導人及公共知識分子努力營造中國是一個「負責任的大國」形象。雖然他們審慎地觀察外界如何期待中國,但是他們卻又未必願意滿足外界對於所謂「負責任」的定義。在全球化時代,外界總是關心中國是否能夠參與解決、減緩或預防各種全球治理問題。不過,不論是古典的或當代的中國政治思想,往往強調反躬自省,因此中國政府在體現對自身的世界責任時,幾乎無例外的都以中國能妥善處理與全球治理相關的內部問題為目標,以確保中國自己不成為全球問題為職志。相較於歐美發達國家勇於標舉全球治理的實質責任,北京領導人更關心如何分攤全球治理的責任,尤其在意全球治理不能侵犯各國的國家主權。這種防禦心態有其歷史背景,但是必須回溯中國的當代思想史脈絡,才能夠充分掌握中國政府對全球治理的消極情感及其相應主張。更符合中國思想史的全球治理,應該是全球「自」理。 這樣思維一旦養成,就超越了單純是為了擺脫強權干涉中國的動機,而進一步對當代全球治理的方法論形成挑戰。
Both the political leaders and intellectuals in China want to present the image of her being a responsible country in the world. Their understandings of responsibility are not directed at an external audience, although they closely watch what the latter expects of China. In the global age, the expectation is always about China’s contribution to conflict resolutions, and alleviation and prevention of global problems, whatever it may be. The Chinese political thoughts, classic as well as modern, are so grounded in their cultural and ideological background that their introspective nature determines that Chinese narratives on their nation’s duty in the world unanimously point to China’s responsibility for handling its domestic problems well enough to avoid causing global troubles. Xi Jinping’s widely circulated quote during his trip to Mexico in 2008 reveals a deep mutual misperception between Chinese narrators and China’s criticizers. For Xi Jinping and his colleagues, China has no intention to lead the world, or to provide the world any philosophical guidance regarding their future, or even to participate in initiating problem- solving regimes. The Chinese care more about the mode and process of global governance than any substantive value and goal of global governance. Specifically, the Chinese want to make sure that global governance does not infringe upon the national sovereignty of China. This defensive mentality which has a root in Chinese history of political thoughts prepares China’s unique style of global governance through self-governance. While this is a style meant to avoid rendering any excuse to other major powers seeking opportunities to intervene in China, once on track, its political thought underpinning inevitably challenges the prevailing liberalistic methodology of global governance.
2008年全球金融危機爆發,重挫跨國資本市場;既有全球金融治理機制備受質疑之餘,也開啟2008年之後繁複的治理機制改革之路。 本研究認為2008年之後的全球金融治理機制改革有三個不同的層次:從規範、制度到結構,每個層次對於治理機制改革的重點議題與運作方式與目的各有不同的掌握。規範層次與制度層次的共同點在於皆強調在既有金融治理機制的改革;二者差別在於,規範層次專注於監理內容的補強,而制度層次側重行為者之間的互動方式與關係。較諸前二者,結構..
This paper examines the reform of global financial governance mechanism after the global financial crisis in 2008. The research argues that three different levels of reform could be identified in order to get a thorough understanding of the governance reform during the last ten years, i.e. regulatory level, institutional level, and structural level, each of which assumes different causes to the financial crisis and prescriptions to the problematic governance mechanism reform. Regulatory reform supporters..
在解放軍發展反介入/區域拒止戰力的背景下,美國近期出現了「海空戰」作戰概念的倡議。此一作戰概念的內容堪稱完整而全面,也提出許多值得美軍採納的建議,但缺失也同樣明顯。其概念中的兩個作戰構想,深入中國大陸上空的空襲,與侵入第一島鏈之內的反潛作戰,都是執行困難且徒勞無功,更帶來沒有必要的升高風險,因而得不償失。其實,美國及其區域盟邦只要發展類似的反介入/區域拒止戰力,即可對解放軍可能的侵略與強制構成強大的抵抗力。
People’s Liberation Army is developing its anti-access/area-denial capabilities to offset U.S. military presence in the West Pacific. In response, the operational concept of the “AirSea Battle” is currently being put forward in the United States. However, useful recommendations notwithstanding, both of its two core ideas - deep strike over Chinese mainland and anti- submarine warfare within first island chain - are difficult, futile, and contenting unnecessary risks of escalation. In fact, the United States ..
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