韓國財閥如現代、三星、LG,目前已是全球知名企業。他們的崛起與韓國政府的強烈支持有重大關係:政府支持財閥,分擔其投資分險、給予寡、獨占市場控制;財閥則回報政府以提供就業機會、賺取外匯、促進經濟成長。然而在此光明表象下,韓國政府與財閥間也有為人詬病的陰暗關係:政府官員收受財閥政治獻金及其他種種 「政治規費」,財閥則被回報以財經措施上的優惠。而隨著政治民主化,政府遭受國民逐漸上升的監督,要求政府和財閥的透明關係,並控制富可敵國的財閥。然而財閥則因經濟自由化而日益壯大,不再受制於政府的管控。韓..
Korean conglomerates, or chaebols in Korean, such as Samsung, Hyundai, LG, are now familiar and global enterprises. However, the rising of chaebols was supported and often pushed by Korean government. For instance, government and chaebols shared investment risks and their aims to keep national market oligarchic or monopolistic, etc. Chaebols returned by creating employment opportunities, earning foreign exchanges, and driving economic development. But underneath the shining surface lies a dark and notorious side: for economic, financial, an..
戰後日本的政治安定與經濟成果,被譽為「日本第一」或「經濟奇蹟」,引發日本研究者的好奇心,而在觀察日本的政治過程中,政治人物與官僚的角色是主要的焦點。日本的學術界對於政治過程的主導者為誰,先後出現「官僚主導」與「政黨主導」的論爭,爾後又出現「政策類型」的論點,主張政治人物與官僚處於合作或競爭的狀態。本文主要目的是論述上述論點的主要內容,同時分析其成立的背景,最後提出解釋上的侷限性,期望有助於瞭解日本的政治決定過程。
After World War ΙΙ, “Japan as No.1 (or ‘economical miracle’),” which signifies Japan’s political and economical achievements, always attracted researchers’ curiosity. As we know, politicians and bureaucrats play leading roles in Japanese political processes; consequently, the Japanese academia argued over the perspectives of “bureaucracy domination” and “party domination,” then the argument was switched to “policy domination,” which emphasizes t..
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