本文認為,「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權日本」(1931~1941)與「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權中國」(1993~2018)的比較,能為現今的美中關係提供許多建設性的思考。本文從既有強權的角度觀察其如何回應崛起強權;以Randall Schweller的歸納為基礎而建立一個相對完整的政策選擇全貌。作者發現:面對1931~1941年崛起的日本,美國先採「中立、綏靖」,後改採「制衡」,最終採「戰爭」。面對1993~2018年崛起的中國,美國以「交往」為基調而佐以「戰略夥伴關係」,然因中國崛起與美國重返亞洲,其逐漸轉成「既交往又制衡」,是典型的「混合策略」。如此,成就兩個不同的大國互動結果。
This paper argues that the comparative study of the two cases - the US dominant power vs. the Japan rising power (1931-1941) and the US dominant power vs. the China rising power (1993-2018) can provide ample constructive thinking on the contemporary US-China relations. This paper focuses on how a dominant power reacts to a rising power. An analytical framework of dominant powers’ policy options toward rising powers, based on Randall Schweller’s theories, is developed and applied to this study. This paper has found that fac- ing a rising Japan from 1931 to 1941, the US first opted for neutrality and ap- peasement, but later changed to balancing, which eventually led to war. In con- trast, facing a rising China from 1993 to 2018, the US opted for engagement in principle and supplemented it with strategic partnership. However, in the case of rising China, due to the return of the US to Asia, the US gradually shifted its policy to engagement while balancing - this type of shift is a typical mixed strategy. As such, two different kinds of interactions between great powers have resulted in different consequences.
學界一般認為,冷戰結束後,隨著中國的快速崛起,包括越南在內的東亞小國對中國所採取的外交策略偏向「避險」或「接納」。文獻指出除了加強與中國的關係外,越南亦主動與各大國交好,並強調其要走著一個獨立、自主、多元且多方化的外交政策路線,此被視為越南對中國的「避險」策略。然而,本文認為有關越南對中國政策的分析較為單向,即大部分僅著重在越中關係本身的推拉力,而忽略了美國在其中的主動角色。 因此,無法說明越南對中政策近期的動態變化。本文的論點是,基於安全與國家利益的考量,..
The conventional wisdom assumes that East Asian countries have been adopting “hedging” or “accommodating” strategy toward China since the end of the Cold War. By putting forward an “independent, diversified and multidirectional foreign policy,” Vietnam has attempted to strengthen relations with a number of major powers, including China. As a result, Hanoi is regarded as a typical “hedger” towards Beijing. This paper, on the contrary, argues that the relating analyses on Vietnam&..
美中貿易戰宣告了兩國在國際政治的競爭局勢正式展開,2019年後的疫情更形加劇了兩國彼此的競爭關係。然而,美中對立下新冷戰的政治兩極化一定會造成國際貿易關係的兩極化嗎?世界各國真的會各自歸隊,在美國與中國之間擇一而處,形成兩極對立的局勢嗎?還是口頭上與行為上有差異,仍然依照國家自身的利益分別和美國和中國進行實質上的往來。本文即探討這個問題,比較疫情前後,國際貿易局勢的變化到底是趨向兩極化還是非兩極化。本文認為,新冷戰的局勢下,美中對立造成的政治兩極化無法避免,但政治兩極化不等於貿易關係兩極..
The U.S.-China trade war indicates a confrontation between the U.S. and China, and the pandemic problem since 2019 deteriorates the confrontation. However, will political polarization due to the new cold war between the U.S. and China lead to economic polarization? Do countries in the whole world choose their own sides between the U.S. and China, establishing two blocs and competing? Or countries in the whole world behave inconsistently in terms of verbal promises and practical actions. National interest is still their benchmark to have sub..
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