本文從香港回歸中國統治前後之歷史脈絡，分析中國領導人對於國際民主權利規範的論述建構過程及內涵，並檢視北京政府對於香港政治人權政策的相關論述中相關語言符號的運用變化情形，以進一步分析中國對於香港地區在國際人權規範的論述建構與意涵。研究發現，1997 年香港回歸以後，中國政府對香港民主權利建制的國際人權規範建構，基本上仍呈現為一種以「工具性適應」向「爭論性辯論」過渡與擺盪的建構型態。「一國兩制」方 案成為北京因應國際人權力量與國內地方區域自治權雙向要求的一種限縮性民主參與權利規範論述語言。
This paper, in the context of history of Hong Kong’s returning to PRC, analyzes the construct of the PRC leaderships’ discourse on the international norms of democratic rights by reviewing the language symbols from the texts of the PRC’s political human rights policy toward Hong Kong so as to scrutinize the type and implications of PRC’s international norms constructing. It argues that, after the returning of Hong Kong to PRC, the type of international norms constructing of democratic rights that PRC takes toward Hong Kong is swinging between the instrumental adaptation and the argumentative discourse. The “one country two systems” formula serves as a norm on the limited democratic right in response to the pressures from international human rights force and domestic autonomy regions.
國際關係主流理論研究的是多邊關係，但是多邊關係得以運作，其前提在於，當多邊關係受限時，可仰賴雙邊關係加以維繫或超越，使多邊關係免於遭到直接挑戰。本文主張將雙邊關係做為國際關係研究途徑加以探究，並以戰後英國因實力變化而選擇轉向雙邊為個案。出於避免一夕崩壞及維護利益的設想，孱弱的大英帝國在戰後選擇向雙邊主義靠攏，美中兩國成為優先考量。即便這兩組雙邊關係間存在矛盾，卻是英國勉強藉由兩組雙邊關係維繫既有多邊框架，再行逐步調整，進而在戰後世界站穩腳跟的機制。 ..
Mainstream IR theories are typically multilateral. However, for any multilateral frame or value to last, bilateral relations must be able to resolve conceivable limitations. Thus, bilateral relations should be intrinsic to IR theorization. We use the United Kingdom in the aftermath of WWII as our case. The UK managed bilateral relations with the United States and China as ways to overcome its decline after the war. The bilateral relations transcend the multilateral frame and value. Accordingly, the UK’s two bilateral re..
從自然法的角度看，科索沃阿裔應有自決獨立之權利，但相對於1990年代初斯洛文尼亞、克羅埃西亞、波士尼亞——赫塞哥維那、馬其頓相繼脫離南斯拉夫聯邦而獨立，獨立願望最強、奮鬥時間最長、與塞爾維亞種族和文化差異最大的科索沃至今仍無法如願獨立。本文認為阿裔的自決權乃因受制於科索沃歷史地位的爭議、法律地位的束縛、阿裔實力不足以及國際社會不支持等四項障礙而無法實現。在國際社會的態度方面，本文指出「維持區域權力平衡」並非國際社會重要成員不願支持科索沃獨立的主要原因，「區域和平與..
From the viewpoint of the natural law, the Kosovar Albanians should have the right of self-determination. But Kosovo, a region with the strongest will for independence, the longest time of struggle, and the greatest differences with Serbia in both race and culture, still cannot achieve its independence until now when compared with Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Macedonia, which were separated from the Yugoslav Federation and all became independent successively at the early 1990's. This article argues that the Kosovar Alb..
請輸入想查詢的期刊標題、關鍵字、作者相關資訊. Please enter the journal title, keywords, and author-related information you want to query.