本文探討影響中美在中國沿海進行海域油氣勘探合作的主要變數。尼克森政府時期,中美開始海域油氣勘探上的接觸。改革開放與中美建交後,中國擴大與美國在海域油氣勘探上的合作。不過,中國和周邊國家存在領土與邊界爭議。北京威脅使用武力,對美國政府與石油公司產生影響。《聯合國海洋法公約》是另一個重要變數,特別是在蘇聯瓦解後。2008 年,中美開始進行有關投資保障協定的談判。一般而言,雙邊投資協定要求簽約國對外來投資者提供保護。2012 年,歐巴馬政府完成了美國投資保障協定範本的修訂,並修正領土的定義以明確納入領海與相關領域。如果中美簽訂包含領海 相關條款及海洋油氣產業的雙邊投資保障協定,此協定將成為影響中美在中國海域油氣勘探合作的新變數。
This article discusses major factors affecting offshore oil and natural gas exploration cooperation between the People’s Republic of China and the United States along China’s coast. Contact between the U.S. and China regarding offshore oil and natural gas exploration began in the Nixon Administration. After the reform and opening-up policy and the establishment of Sino-U.S. diplomatic relations, China expanded cooperation with the U.S. in offshore oil and natural gas exploration. However, there are existing territorial and boundary disputes between China and its maritime neighbors. Beijing has threatened to use force in the East China Sea and South China Sea, and this has affected the U.S. government and oil companies. United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea has been another important factor, especially since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The U.S. and China started their bilateral investment treaty ( BIT ) negotiations in 2008. In general, the BIT requires the contracting states to protect foreign investors. The Obama Administration completed a revision of the U.S. model bilateral investment treaty and modified the territory term to expressively include territorial seas and related areas in 2012. If the U.S. and China can sign a BIT that includes clauses related to territorial waters and mention of the offshore oil and natural gas exploration industry, the BIT will be a new factor that affects offshore oil and natural gas exploration cooperation between them along China’s coast.
蒙古位於亞洲內陸,夾處於中、俄兩大強國之間的戰略位置,使其曾長期被兩大強鄰視為領土的邊疆(frontier)。隨著 1991 年蘇聯瓦解,使近代蒙古第一次擁有完整主權。此後,蒙古的對外政策定調為「不結盟、等距離、全方位」,在「第三鄰國」戰略操作及地理條件基礎下,以平衡為原則,執行外交策略。誠然,蒙古如何在兩大強鄰之間求取平衡的生存之道,建構出獨立與靈活的外交及經貿空間,是蒙古確保國家安全的一大課題,也是本文的研究目的。  ..
Mongolia, with its strategic location between China and Russia in the inner Asia, is seen by its powerful neighbors for hundreds of years as a frontier. In 1991, modern Mongolia obtained complete sovereignty for the first time after the disruption of USSR, Hereafter, its foreign policy was principled upon “independence, non-alignment, multi-pillars”. Under the “third neighbor” strategy, Mongolia uses the opportunities endowed from its geography to balance neighboring threats, ensure its national securi..
本文提出雙重政商關係的理論架構以探討中國因素對臺灣媒體自我審查的影響力消長。本文主張:臺灣媒體實施外導型自我審查的程度,取決 於其跨海峽政商關係與在地政商關係的相對強度。針對旺中集團與三立集團的比較個案研究發現:當某臺灣媒體的跨海峽政商關係比在地政商關係更加強化時,該媒體便會採取或增加外導型自我審查;而當其在地政商關係比跨海峽政商關係更加強化時,則會減少或取消外導型自我審查。本研究結果有助於了解中國因素影響力消長的條件、補充現有研究對於媒體自我審查增減的解釋..
This article provides a theoretical framework of dual government-business relations to explore the rise and decline of China’s influence on Taiwanese media’s self-censorship. It argues that the extent to which a Taiwanese media firm conducts external-induced self-censorship under Beijing’s influence hinges on the relative strength between its local and cross-strait government- business relations. The comparative case study of the Want Want-China Times Media Group and the Sanlih E-Television Group indicates t..
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