本文探討影響中美在中國沿海進行海域油氣勘探合作的主要變數。尼克森政府時期,中美開始海域油氣勘探上的接觸。改革開放與中美建交後,中國擴大與美國在海域油氣勘探上的合作。不過,中國和周邊國家存在領土與邊界爭議。北京威脅使用武力,對美國政府與石油公司產生影響。《聯合國海洋法公約》是另一個重要變數,特別是在蘇聯瓦解後。2008 年,中美開始進行有關投資保障協定的談判。一般而言,雙邊投資協定要求簽約國對外來投資者提供保護。2012 年,歐巴馬政府完成了美國投資保障協定範本的修訂,並修正領土的定義以明確納入領海與相關領域。如果中美簽訂包含領海 相關條款及海洋油氣產業的雙邊投資保障協定,此協定將成為影響中美在中國海域油氣勘探合作的新變數。
This article discusses major factors affecting offshore oil and natural gas exploration cooperation between the People’s Republic of China and the United States along China’s coast. Contact between the U.S. and China regarding offshore oil and natural gas exploration began in the Nixon Administration. After the reform and opening-up policy and the establishment of Sino-U.S. diplomatic relations, China expanded cooperation with the U.S. in offshore oil and natural gas exploration. However, there are existing territorial and boundary disputes between China and its maritime neighbors. Beijing has threatened to use force in the East China Sea and South China Sea, and this has affected the U.S. government and oil companies. United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea has been another important factor, especially since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The U.S. and China started their bilateral investment treaty ( BIT ) negotiations in 2008. In general, the BIT requires the contracting states to protect foreign investors. The Obama Administration completed a revision of the U.S. model bilateral investment treaty and modified the territory term to expressively include territorial seas and related areas in 2012. If the U.S. and China can sign a BIT that includes clauses related to territorial waters and mention of the offshore oil and natural gas exploration industry, the BIT will be a new factor that affects offshore oil and natural gas exploration cooperation between them along China’s coast.
1970 年代研究三角關係的專家塔圖(Michel Tatu)指出,美、中、蘇 「三者之一欲激起另兩方同謀之必然方式,為展現過度侵略性」。本文以塔圖之分析,探討 1979 年以來美臺軍事、政治與經貿關係之演變。由過去美、中、臺三角關係之互動,可以看出以下的特性:(1)中國對臺有過度侵略性的舉止,如 1996 年臺海危機,美國主動強化美臺軍事關係,增加美臺合作的空間;(2)在中國壓力下,國際組織有過度的舉止,如 2007 年聯合國秘書長潘基文謬誤解讀臺灣地位,..
Michel Tatu, an expert on US-China-USSR relations, observed in 1970 that “the surest way for any of the three to provoke the other two into collusion is to display undue aggressiveness.” This study analyses US- Taiwan relations in light of Tatu’s assumption. The interactions of US- Taiwan-China relations since 1979 are marked by the following features: (1)When China acts with undue aggressiveness against Taiwan – as for example in the 1996 missile crisis which prompted the US to dispatch two aircraft c..
北京倡議的「亞洲基礎設施投資銀行」(簡稱:亞投行),在華府眼中,卻認為會挑戰到當今美國主導的全球經濟秩序。事實上,資本額度僅 1000 億美元的亞投行,無法撼動美國在全球金融政治中的主導地位。美國對亞投行戒慎恐懼,真是美元的地位受到威脅?亞投行的設立是否真能實踐人民幣國際化的目標?本文主張,中國應支持亞投行以美元發行(而非人民幣計價) 的「亞投行債券」,並同時設立「帶路基金」發行人民幣計價的「帶路基金債券」。如此,中國才得逐步降低對美國國債的過度依賴,掌握到..
Beijing launched the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank(AIIB)in order to offer financial resources for more investments to Asian countries in need. To some extent, the US$ 100 billion AIIB is not supposed to impose any serious threat to U.S. dominance in global finance. Why does the U.S. fear the China-led AIIB? Would the establishment of AIIB speed up decline of the dollar as an international currency? Is the AIIB likely to contribute to further internationalization of the renminbi(RMB)? This paper contends that China shou..
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