拉丁美洲許多國家在第三波民主化浪潮中歷經政體轉型,在比較政治學界中為一重要的研究課題。有別於既有文獻從總體層次、或是國際層次的因素來探討政體變遷,本論文主張跨國人權非政府組織網絡對於民主轉型具有重要的促進效果。本研究以拉丁美洲18個威權體制(1969∼1995) 的資料為基礎,運用量化方法對於上述主張進行系統性的驗證。本研究的實證分析顯示,在其他條件不變的情況下,一個威權國家若有愈密集的跨國人權非政府組織動員網絡,則該國愈有可能歷經民主轉型。綜合而言,本論文的創新之處在於透過嚴謹..
The regime change of many Latin American countries under the Third Wave of democratization has been a crucial topic in the field of comparative politics. Unlike previous literature that examines how democratic transition is shaped by macro-level or international-level factors, this study argues that transnational human rights NGOs networks play a significant factor in promoting democratic transition. Using data of 18 authoritarian regimes in Latin America between 1969 and 1995, the quantitative analysis demonstrates that a higher level of t..
歐盟在與第三國/區域簽訂貿易或投資協定時,因為其市場吸引力,而得以將帶有歐盟價值的規範性議程納入協定中,以實踐自身外交政策的目標。此「規範性權力(normative power)」論述在學界已有廣泛的討論。實務上,歐盟的規範性權力亦不斷透過各種不同的管道,在不同的地區和領域內發揮影響力。歐盟自2013年10月開始,與中國大陸進行全面投資協定(Comprehensive Agreement on Investment,簡稱CAI)談判,目前已完成了第35輪的談..
The European Union (EU) has well utilized its market attraction to bring European value based normative agenda into trade or investment agreement negotiations with third country/region, in order to achieve its own foreign policy objectives. This “normative power” theory has had wide discussion among academics. In practice, EU’s normative power has also continuously expanded its influence in different areas via various channels. Since October 2013, EU and China have begun the negotiations on the Comprehensive..
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