印尼總統佐科威於2014年首次贏得總統大選後,在2019年再次勝選並 連任。有別於既有文獻以社群媒體、認同政治、經濟投票等因素來解釋佐 科威於2019年勝選連任的可能原因,本文利用縣市層級的資料,探討侍 從主義如何對於佐科威競選科威在該縣市獲得較多選票。綜言之,本研究的貢獻在於從侍從主義的角 度,對於佐科威2019年的選舉表現提出重要的補充觀點。連任的選舉表現造成影響。本文主張,在佐科 威執政前的恩庇侍從關係,主要強調社區與個別地方政治人物的角色;而 在佐科威執政期間,可觀察到政黨在侍從主義網絡的運作發揮更積極主動 的角色,在全國大選幫助佐科威獲得更多選票。雖然目前也有文獻從侍從 主義的角度解釋佐科威的選舉表現,但這些文獻大多為個別城市或區域之 描述性研究,系統性的實證研究尚付之闕如。為了補充此學術空缺,本文 利用縣市層次之資料,對於侍從主義所產生的選舉效應進行驗證。本文的 實證分析發現,首先,佐科威在其政黨聯盟執政的縣市獲得較多選票;其 次,當一個縣市的議會有愈多佐科威政黨聯盟的議員,佐科威在該縣市獲 得較多選票;第三,當一個縣市在佐科威執政時期獲得愈多公共預算,佐科威在該縣市獲得較多選票。綜言之,本研究的貢獻在於從侍從主義的角 度,對於佐科威2019年的選舉表現提出重要的補充觀點。
After first winning the presidential election in 2014, Indonesian President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) was reelected in 2019. Unlike existing literature that explains Jokowi’s 2019 victory through factors such as social media, identity politics, and economic voting, this article uses city/regency-level data to explore how clientelism impacts Jokowi’s electoral performance. It argues that prior to Jokowi’s administration, patron-client relationships primarily emphasized the roles of community and individual local politicians. During Jokowi’s tenure, however, political parties played a more active role within clientelist networks, helping Jokowi secure more votes in the national election. Although some existing literature also explains Jokowi’s electoral performance from the perspective of clientelism, most of these studies are descriptive and focused on individual cities or regions, lacking systematic empirical research. To fill this academic gap, this article uses city/regency-level data to verify the electoral effects generated by clientelism. The empirical analysis finds that Jokowi receives more votes in the city/regency governed by his party alliance. Additionally, the more members of the Jokowi party alliance a city/regency’s council have, the more votes Jokowi receives in that county. Lastly, the more public budget a city/regency receives during Jokowi’s administration; the more votes Jokowi garners in that city/regency. In summary, the contribution of this study is to provide a significant supplementary perspective on Jokowi’s 2019 electoral performance from the perspective of clientelism.
王金平黨籍訴訟案同時凸顯出國家管制(司法審查)/政黨自主的界限問題、政黨自主/個人自由的界限問題,以及黨內民主原則的適用範圍問題等。本文參考有限度審查說、司法審查基準理論、外國政黨法、國內外相關司法判決,對前述問題得出下列結論: 第一,為能具體釐清政黨自主及司法審查之界限,筆者建立三階段之審查基準。依序審視:政黨在程序方面之規定及運作,是否違反國家法律規定及民主原則,致使黨員權利受到不合法之侵害,或受到少數人之打壓?政黨在實體方面之規定..
The lawsuit of Wang Jin-pyng’s party membership has exposed problems concerning the boundary between state regulation ( judicial review)and party autonomy, between party autonomy and individual freedom, as well as the scope of application of the principle of inner-party democracy. Based on the “theory of limited review”, the standards of review, party laws of foreign countries, as well as related domestic and foreign judicial decisions, this study came to the following conclusions regarding the abovementione..
1990年統一前,東德由德國社會主義統一黨進行威權統治,西德則為一個自由民主國家,政黨在公平的競爭制度中運作。兩德統一後,政治制度迥異的兩個體系在重整過程中,必然會出現嚴重的磨合現象。不同於以往探究政黨體系僅重視體系內單純的「相關性政黨數字」的變化,與政黨「意識形態」距離與強度的差異,本論文試著從「社會分歧」(social cleavage)出發,觀察德國統一以來,社會結構分歧程度與政黨反應此基礎所呈現的互動關係,並說明政黨勢力的興衰,如何合作結盟或是分裂結構,已呈現德國政黨體系的內涵特..
Before German unification in 1990, East Germany/GDR was authoritarian-governed by the Socialist Unity Party of Germany and West Germany/FRG was a democratic state with a relatively fair competitive party system. Serious conflicts between totally different political systems must have emerged when they started to become a unified state. Differing from the traditional approach to studying party systems through party numbers and ideologies, the author will, through “social cleavage,” examine how German parties reflect the change of ..
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