本文檢視 9 個在 2000 年至 2013 年與中華民國(以下簡稱臺灣)斷交的國家,以探討友邦與我斷交背後的中華人民共和國(以下稱中國)因素。本研究發現,對臺灣友邦來說,獲取來自中國在貿易、投資與金援的經濟考量,以及透過中國的支持提升其國際地位與穩固國內政權的政治考量,是影響友邦是否願意與臺灣延續外交關係的重要因素。大部分友邦在與臺灣斷交後,均能獲取大量來自中國的經濟與政治利益,即便是擁有長期穩固邦誼的友邦亦然。從友邦的角度來看,透過遊走於兩岸的外交競爭之中,讓臺灣與中國競租外交關係,能夠大幅提升其國家利益,因此道德與理想難以在極度現實的友邦爭奪戰中勝出。對臺灣而言,邦交國無法長期收買,只能短期租用,若維持邦交國數量仍是外交政策的重要目標,則臺灣恐需要更全盤地有彈性且客制化地制定出有效的經濟誘因,以提升與各國建交的可能性。
This paper investigates the underlying China factor that played out when nine countries ended diplomatic relations with the Republic of China (hereafter called ‘Taiwan’). Research shows acquiring economic benefits from China, in terms of trade, investment and foreign aid, securing China’s support for enhancing international status and consolidating domestic political power are important factors when an ally of Taiwan considers breaking ties. Most allies receive immediate and significant political and economic benefits from China, even those who have been allies of Taiwan for many years, as soon as they severe ties. They can greatly improve their national interests by capitalizing on the Taiwan-China diplomatic battle. Thus, Taiwan cannot win this fight by appealing to morals and ideals. Diplomatic allies are not for sale; Taiwan is only able to rent them for a while. If maintaining the number of diplomatic allies remains a priority for Taiwan, the government needs to come up with more comprehensive, flexible and customized economic incentives in order to(re-)establish diplomatic relationships with target countries.
過去的研究指出在 1996 至 2008 年臺灣四次總統選舉中,認同是一個影響選民投票抉擇的重要因素,在 2012 年的總統選舉中,認同是否仍然為一個重要的影響因素,是本文的主要探討問題。本文首先從認同理論的界限設定觀點,討論臺灣認同的階段,提出臺灣認同已從第一階段的「省籍」對立,到第二階段的「臺灣意識/中國意識」之爭,而在兩岸恢復交流後,因為認同界限的改變(臺灣 vs.中國),進入到第三階段的「國家認同」層次。在第三個階段,臺灣與中國之間存在文化聯繫與政治..
Previous studies show that identity is an important factor in voting choice in the past four Taiwanese presidential elections between 1996 and 2008. This paper aims to explore whether identity still retains its impact on voting choice in the 2012 presidential election. The author starts with the discussion on the development of the Taiwan identity. Theoretically, identity can be regarded as a type of boundary setting and its development includes three stages. The first stage is the distinction between Benshengren and Mainland..
歐盟在與第三國/區域簽訂貿易或投資協定時,因為其市場吸引力,而得以將帶有歐盟價值的規範性議程納入協定中,以實踐自身外交政策的目標。此「規範性權力(normative power)」論述在學界已有廣泛的討論。實務上,歐盟的規範性權力亦不斷透過各種不同的管道,在不同的地區和領域內發揮影響力。歐盟自2013年10月開始,與中國大陸進行全面投資協定(Comprehensive Agreement on Investment,簡稱CAI)談判,目前已完成了第35輪的談..
The European Union (EU) has well utilized its market attraction to bring European value based normative agenda into trade or investment agreement negotiations with third country/region, in order to achieve its own foreign policy objectives. This “normative power” theory has had wide discussion among academics. In practice, EU’s normative power has also continuously expanded its influence in different areas via various channels. Since October 2013, EU and China have begun the negotiations on the Comprehensive..
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