本文主要是補充論述日本新選舉制度與自民黨走向集權化的關係。既有研究指出，在新選舉制度下，日本自民黨的派閥勢力逐漸地瓦解，從政治過程的觀察中，同時顯示出自民黨派閥的影響力確實也在消退中。本文發現，自民黨在新選舉制度下，依然維持「現任者優先」的提名策略，而「現任者優先」卻具有默認既存派閥勢力的意味。就此而言，派閥勢力應該保有足夠的生存空間，又為何會在新選舉制度下逐漸消退呢 ? 本文擬從候選人在新選舉制度下的「趨中現象」、「政權公約」的黨中央主導、重複提名的設計與比例的提高，以及 「七十三歲屆..

The main purpose of this paper is to further elaborate on the relationship between Japan's new electoral system and augmentation of power in the LDP central committee. The existing studies pointed out that the newly-reformed electoral system in Japan leads to a gradual decline of factions within the LDP while the actual power of the LDP central committee was elevated. However, this paper argues that if LDP's nomination process in the new electoral system still complies with the principle of “incumbents first," which w..

1990年統一前，東德由德國社會主義統一黨進行威權統治，西德則為一個自由民主國家，政黨在公平的競爭制度中運作。兩德統一後，政治制度迥異的兩個體系在重整過程中，必然會出現嚴重的磨合現象。不同於以往探究政黨體系僅重視體系內單純的「相關性政黨數字」的變化，與政黨「意識形態」距離與強度的差異，本論文試著從「社會分歧」(social cleavage)出發，觀察德國統一以來，社會結構分歧程度與政黨反應此基礎所呈現的互動關係，並說明政黨勢力的興衰，如何合作結盟或是分裂結構，已呈現德國政黨體系的內涵特..

Before German unification in 1990, East Germany/GDR was authoritarian-governed by the Socialist Unity Party of Germany and West Germany/FRG was a democratic state with a relatively fair competitive party system. Serious conflicts between totally different political systems must have emerged when they started to become a unified state. Differing from the traditional approach to studying party systems through party numbers and ideologies, the author will, through “social cleavage,” examine how German parties reflect the change of ..