「自決」一詞,在民主政治的發展上,主要是指人民享有選擇自己政府與統治形式的權利。而自決運動,在多元面貌的發展之下,卻是變得極為複雜而難解。國際政治與國際法在不同時空背景之下,賦予自決不同的定義與權利。而20世紀90年代以後的自決運動實踐,已經遠遠超過60年代殖民地解放運動的範圍。造成此一急遽發展,歸因於蘇聯解體與冷戰時代的結束、國際政治大環境對人權原則的重視,以及近來開放民主與自由經濟理論的提倡等三大因素。雖然當前的國際法多不願意明白承認殖民地..
Self-determination is a concept in principle, by which the people having rights to form their own state or government. However, the movement of self-determination of the 20th century is becoming a very complicated issue with various definitions under international politics and laws. Since the 1990s, the practice of self-determination movement has far exceeded the legal framework, as originally considered for the independence of post-war colonies in the 1960s. The increasing relevance and importance of the problem in secession are due ..
橫亙百餘年之久的俄屬遠東黃禍論已是某種或然性規律,不僅未因世局變遷而消弭,今日更成為俄羅斯與中國之間的兩難困境與潛在負面變數。本文擬由身分政治角度切入,解構促使黃禍論於冷戰後復萌之無形雙重觀念結構-俄中關係與俄國內部互動。除藉以揭示黃禍論的深層蘊含外,亦對其進行中長期預測,希冀藉由建構主義就黃禍論的釋疑,推導「跨層次/情境習得轉化」論點,讓國際政治與國內政治雙向互動的研究不再僅是某種未落實的隱喻,從而為建構主義中層理論增添新的實徵案例,並作為層次分析學理的補..
Yellow Peril in the Russian Far East, spanning more than one hundred years, has already become a probabilistic law. It does not fade with time, and has already been the dilemma and the potential negative variable between Russia and China. The thesis attempts to analyze Yellow Peril from a perspective of identity politics, and to deconstruct Russo-Chinese relationships and Russia’s domestic interaction, because the dual intangible idea structures awakened contemporary Yellow Peril after the Cold War. Such an approach not..
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