北京倡議的「亞洲基礎設施投資銀行」(簡稱:亞投行),在華府眼中,卻認為會挑戰到當今美國主導的全球經濟秩序。事實上,資本額度僅 1000 億美元的亞投行,無法撼動美國在全球金融政治中的主導地位。美國對亞投行戒慎恐懼,真是美元的地位受到威脅?亞投行的設立是否真能實踐人民幣國際化的目標?本文主張,中國應支持亞投行以美元發行(而非人民幣計價) 的「亞投行債券」,並同時設立「帶路基金」發行人民幣計價的「帶路基金債券」。如此,中國才得逐步降低對美國國債的過度依賴,掌握到..
Beijing launched the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank(AIIB)in order to offer financial resources for more investments to Asian countries in need. To some extent, the US$ 100 billion AIIB is not supposed to impose any serious threat to U.S. dominance in global finance. Why does the U.S. fear the China-led AIIB? Would the establishment of AIIB speed up decline of the dollar as an international currency? Is the AIIB likely to contribute to further internationalization of the renminbi(RMB)? This paper contends that China shou..
印巴關係一直是南亞區域安全的焦點,而印巴自兩國獨立之後就擺盪在戰爭與和談之間,長久以來對喀什米爾(Kashmir)主權的認知無法達成共 識。本文的論點是,「安全困境」(security dilemma)不一定是印巴關係的宿命。兩國之間的戰或和,多半取決於主要決策者在面對國內各利益團體及國際的壓力時,基於維持權力的目的,做出決策所造成的結果。本文將以 1998-2004 年期間印巴和平進程為例,探討印巴兩國在國際、國內環境及領導利益等因素影響之下所做的決策,如..
This article will examine the relations between India and Pakistan during 1998-2004 and study how decisions made by leaders of India and Pakistan under domestic and international pressure had influenced India- Pakistan relations. The article argues that the India-Pakistan relations will not necessarily be trapped in the "security dilemma." The relations between the two countries for a large part depend on the decisions of major policymakers based on the goal of maintaining power as well as foreign players such as th..
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