2008年全球金融危機爆發,重挫跨國資本市場;既有全球金融治理機制備受質疑之餘,也開啟2008年之後繁複的治理機制改革之路。
本研究認為2008年之後的全球金融治理機制改革有三個不同的層次:從規範、制度到結構,每個層次對於治理機制改革的重點議題與運作方式與目的各有不同的掌握。規範層次與制度層次的共同點在於皆強調在既有金融治理機制的改革;二者差別在於,規範層次專注於監理內容的補強,而制度層次側重行為者之間的互動方式與關係。較諸前二者,結構層次觀最為不同,且對既有體制的合理性有根本上的質疑。
本研究藉由三個改革層次分析架構,以瞭解全球金融治理機制變遷的全貌。同時並據以觀察全球金融治理機制兩個重整階段,其中第一階段主要聚焦於規範與制度層次的改革,第二階段則出現結構層次改革的挑戰與嘗試。
This paper examines the reform of global financial governance mechanism after the global financial crisis in 2008.
The research argues that three different levels of reform could be identified in order to get a thorough understanding of the governance reform during the last ten years, i.e. regulatory level, institutional level, and structural level, each of which assumes different causes to the financial crisis and prescriptions to the problematic governance mechanism reform.
Regulatory reform supporters called for tightening up banking and financial supervision by adopting macro-prudential policy guideline, whereas institutionalists suggested a plurilateral approach, which aims at expanding the governance network further to include the most possibly diversified actors.
While both the regulatory and institutional reform views focused on improving the existing system, structural reform proponents laid emphasis on the fundamental structural relations that constructed global financial governance. Structural reformers argue that it was the underlying unequal power distribution that led to the unleashing of the potential dangers lying in the Washington consensus which caused severe damage after the financial crisis.
The paper reviews the two stages of global financial mechanism reform after 2008 China using the analytical framework and found that the first reform stage focused mainly on regulatory and institutional reform, while the second stage was more structure-oriented.
當代中國政治領導人及公共知識分子努力營造中國是一個「負責任的大國」形象。雖然他們審慎地觀察外界如何期待中國,但是他們卻又未必願意滿足外界對於所謂「負責任」的定義。在全球化時代,外界總是關心中國是否能夠參與解決、減緩或預防各種全球治理問題。不過,不論是古典的或當代的中國政治思想,往往強調反躬自省,因此中國政府在體現對自身的世界責任時,幾乎無例外的都以中國能妥善處理與全球治理相關的內部問題為目標,以確保中國自己不成為全球問題為職志。相較於歐美發達國家勇於標舉全球..
Both the political leaders and intellectuals in China want to present the image of her being a responsible country in the world. Their understandings of responsibility are not directed at an external audience, although they closely watch what the latter expects of China. In the global age, the expectation is always about China’s contribution to conflict resolutions, and alleviation and prevention of global problems, whatever it may be. The Chinese political thoughts, classic as well as modern, are so grounded in their c..
在國際關係的研究領域中,不論是國家中心論或是以體系為主的體系理論,都以國家為研究的客體。伴隨著全球化浪潮,「全球治理」概念的出現,表明以國家為主的國際政治體系已無法解決國際環境的複雜變化,須藉助許多跨國性次級團體來共同治理。有鑑於此,新現實主義、新自由主義、 與建構主義中以國家為給定對象的國際關係主流理論,遇到解釋上的局限, 需要建構一套新的本體論與知識論,俾有效解釋在國際政治中逐漸呈現的多元行為體治理現象。本文認為國際關係理論面臨三個問題的挑戰:一、如何解..
Theories of international relations(IR), whether through state-centric or systemic approach, put states as centers of research objectives. With trending globalization, the advent of the global governance concepts manifests that a state-focused international political system without transnational sub-political groups has failed to respond to complex changes in the international environment. Accordingly, this challenges neo-realism, neo- liberalism, and constructivism, which focus on the state-centric approach and experience ex..
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