「自決」一詞,在民主政治的發展上,主要是指人民享有選擇自己政府與統治形式的權利。而自決運動,在多元面貌的發展之下,卻是變得極為複雜而難解。國際政治與國際法在不同時空背景之下,賦予自決不同的定義與權利。而20世紀90年代以後的自決運動實踐,已經遠遠超過60年代殖民地解放運動的範圍。造成此一急遽發展,歸因於蘇聯解體與冷戰時代的結束、國際政治大環境對人權原則的重視,以及近來開放民主與自由經濟理論的提倡等三大因素。雖然當前的國際法多不願意明白承認殖民地以外分離自決的合法性,但晚近20年的分離自決實踐中,仍有許多非屬殖民地的國家分離運動得以在國際見證下成功。
在主權國家實踐上,西方民主國家對於自決已逐漸採取民主與開放的政治態度。然而有共黨歷史背景的國家,對於分離自決運動,有些仍堅持傳統主權觀與不惜使用武力。以俄羅斯車臣共和國獨立事件為例,長期戰爭的嚴重代價,讓俄、車雙方的政府與人民均難以承受。要如何協調主權國家與分離自決者的嚴重衝突,國際社會迄今仍沒有發展出一套可被大多數接受的政治或法律準則。對於經常處理種族衝突與自決爭端的聯合國而言,維持國際和平與共同發展,或應是解決此類爭端的最高方針。就台灣的自決公投而論,必須注意的是,如果未經國際社會同意而單方貿然的採取政治行動,非但是有極為高度的國家安全風險,而且是要擔負影響區域安全的政治責任。
Self-determination is a concept in principle, by which the people having rights to form their own state or government. However, the movement of self-determination of the 20th century is becoming a very complicated issue with various definitions under international politics and laws. Since the 1990s, the practice of self-determination movement has far exceeded the legal framework, as originally considered for the independence of post-war colonies in the 1960s. The increasing relevance and importance of the problem in secession are due to the changing international climate. The collapse of the bipolar world during the Cold War, together with a more persistent trend toward greater recognition of human right and the advocate of democracy and liberal market-economy, has created a unique opportunity to develop new legal and political approaches to the problems posed by the secessionist movement.
Despite such claims to the right of secession is reluctant to be allowed under the current international law, there are still many successful recognized secession cases in the recent two decades. Most democratic states in the West are holding an open attitude toward self-determination or secessionism. Other soverign states with communist background in the past still insist on traditional sovereignity and resort to force to cope with secessionism. For example, in the case of Chechnya Republic, the heavy price paid by Russia and Chechnya is borne by the two governments and their peoples. There are still, so far, no acceptable political or legal regulations in the international community to balance and mediate the conflict between soverign states and secessionists. For the United Nations, to maintain international peace and common development are perhaps to be the key issue in dealing with those conflicts.
Taiwan can not be too optimistic about its own self-determination campaign or the future of cross-strait conflict. If Taiwan pursues self-determination without international support, it will be criticized for ignoring international responsibility as it endangers the security of the region.
針對漸行漸遠的兩岸關係,對岸近年推出一系列的惠台、交流政策,試圖強化兩岸民間互動,促進雙方和平統一。此類政策核心環節之一是兩岸的青年交流,自 2004 年以降,邀訪活動即不斷擴大規模,參與頗為熱絡,但此類政策能否發揮部分人士憂慮的政治影響,目前似未見系統的實證研究。 有鑒於此,作者乃透過深度訪談,搭配以問卷分析,探討此類交流接觸經驗,能否轉變參與者的政治認知及政治認同。根據作者研究發現,參與此類活動後,台灣青年既有的刻板印象,產生相當顯著的變化,但若觸及深層..
To break the stalemate of today’s cross-Strait relations, China has formulated a series of policies recently to promote cross-Strait exchanges and in the end to create pro-unification interests in Taiwan society. One of the key elements of these policies is hosting student teams from Taiwan for a short visit to China. Since the year 2004, these student teams have attracted thousands of Taiwan college students each year and through these teams, the students had first-hand contacts with the Mainland Chinese society. But t..
請輸入想查詢的期刊標題、關鍵字、作者相關資訊. Please enter the journal title, keywords, and author-related information you want to query.