人類安全概念提出以來至今已逾十年,始終沒有獲得安全研究領域的重視。冷戰結束後,雖有非傳統安全在研究上對傳統安全侷限於軍事問題的缺漏進行修補,但依舊忽略「個人」對於安全研究的價值。本文認為,目前既有的安全研究已不能迎合全球化時代國際關係的發展趨勢,而把「個人」排除在安全研究的討論之外或是予以邊緣化,則為一種理解上的疏失。實際上,無論傳統安全所強調的軍事領域,或是非傳統安全所關注的貧窮、發展、疾病等問題,其核心與基礎的安全價值均構築在每一個「個人」身上, 這歸因於安全概念就像一道不可分割的光譜,儘管歸結出許多不同面向,但當其中一個安全面向受到影響時,其他面向也會受到波及;互賴現象不只適用於經濟關係,也同樣適用安全領域。最後,本文藉由哥倫比亞內戰的案例,論證何以「人類安全」具備在判斷安全是否落實、因應全球化的國際局勢、回應「內部」威脅來源等三方面的優勢,用以彰顯安全概念宜從「國家」到「個人」之必要性。
Even though the concept of Human Security first emerged more than a decade ago, it never gained much attention in the field of security study. In the post-Cold War era, non-traditional security study somehow rectified the defect of traditional security study that focused simply on military affairs, and was not comprehensive enough to understand the crucial role ‘People’ played in security study. From authors’ view, the present comprehension of security study can no longer catch up with the mainstream development of international relations in the age of globalization. To exclude ‘People’ from discussing or to marginalize it is a definite miscalculation of what ‘security’ really is. Either traditional security, which pays main attention to territorial matters, or non-traditional security, which cares more about poverty, development, disease, its core and essential value of security is no doubt based on ‘People’. In fact, the concept of security is a spectrum that cannot be divided; also, the spectrum has considerable inter-links and overlaps. An effect to one dimension of security is likely to travel to all forms of security. The phenomenon of interdependency on economic dimension is also relevant to security studies. By a case study of the Colombia civil war, this article demonstrates that the study of human security can help resolve threats from both internal and external forces, respond to the challenges of globalization, and achieve true security. It manifests the necessity of the study of security from focusing on “state” to the “people”.
本文利用追蹤資料向量自我迴歸模型,檢證 2003~2012 年中美外援非洲的動機與成效。結果顯示,大國外援有相同之處:兩者外援目的,都不是基於國際道義考量,但大國外援也存在差異的地方:中國外援以現實利益為主,目的為確保其企業海外投資安全。美國外援則不局限在經濟利益而已,更加側重非傳統安全領域;換言之,美援強調的是綜合利益。中美兩國外援模式差異,肇因於彼此政府對自身所處國際體系地位的認知不同。
In this paper, we used the panel data vector autoregression model (PVAR) to test motivation and effectiveness of the U.S. and China’s foreign aid (FA) in Africa. Empirical results show similarities in the great power’s foreign aid: the purpose of both great power’s FA is not based on international moral considerations. However there are also major differences between these two great power’s FA. Chinese FA is based on real interests and mainly aims to ensure safety of its outward foreign dire..
阿拉伯之春是於 2010 年年底,由突尼西亞開始發生一連串位於包括中東與北非地區的國內政治動盪事件。多數人認為,這與當地的威權政治,以及經濟發展遲緩有高度相關,因此,本文首先探討中東北非地區內戰可能的發生原因,包括經常被提及的政治與經濟因素,另外再輔以中東北非地區特殊的區域環境解釋,包括了此區特有的豐富天然資源,以及造成此次阿拉伯革命的連鎖反應。作者發現,經濟發展非常顯著地影響著內部衝突發生的機率,包括良好的發展以及開放的貿易政策,而民主與衝突則顯示「倒 U..
Since the Arab Spring occurred in the end of 2010, Middle East and North Africa(MENA)regions have drawn attentions from international society because of turbulent domestic events. Some nations in this area have leaders who stay in office for a very long time(e.g. Libya and Egypt), and some nations suffer from slow economic development(e.g. Algeria). Therefore, this study tries to review the previous studies on the civil war, focusing on political and economic determinants, to examine if political institution and economic deve..
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