本文從香港回歸中國統治前後之歷史脈絡，分析中國領導人對於國際民主權利規範的論述建構過程及內涵，並檢視北京政府對於香港政治人權政策的相關論述中相關語言符號的運用變化情形，以進一步分析中國對於香港地區在國際人權規範的論述建構與意涵。研究發現，1997 年香港回歸以後，中國政府對香港民主權利建制的國際人權規範建構，基本上仍呈現為一種以「工具性適應」向「爭論性辯論」過渡與擺盪的建構型態。「一國兩制」方 案成為北京因應國際人權力量與國內地方區域自治權雙向要求的一種限縮性民主參與權利規範論述語言。
This paper, in the context of history of Hong Kong’s returning to PRC, analyzes the construct of the PRC leaderships’ discourse on the international norms of democratic rights by reviewing the language symbols from the texts of the PRC’s political human rights policy toward Hong Kong so as to scrutinize the type and implications of PRC’s international norms constructing. It argues that, after the returning of Hong Kong to PRC, the type of international norms constructing of democratic rights that PRC takes toward Hong Kong is swinging between the instrumental adaptation and the argumentative discourse. The “one country two systems” formula serves as a norm on the limited democratic right in response to the pressures from international human rights force and domestic autonomy regions.
本研究從民眾認知外在威脅的觀點，分析其在2020年的總統選舉中，如何影響其投票行為。在2019年的年初，中國國家主席習近平提出「一國兩制，台灣方案」之後，蔡英文總統給予強力的回應，伴隨同年六月間香港升高的「反送中運動」，讓中華民國會不會因為中國大陸的威脅而消失的「亡國感」發酵，成為影響2020年選舉的重要關鍵。 本研究運用在2020年的選舉前後執行的定群追蹤調查，分析民眾是否具有「亡國感」的感受。我們發現，擔心因為被中國大陸統一而讓中華民國消失的民眾比較較高，超過五成一。我們進一..
From the perspective of possible external threat, this study analyzes how voters’ perceptions of external threat might affect their vote choice in the 2020 Presidential election in Taiwan. After Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed the ‘one country, two systems’ Taiwan formula” in January of 2019, President Tsai Ing-wen gave a strong response. Along with the “Anti-Extradition Movement” in Hong Kong in June of the same year, the “sense of national subjugation (wangguo gan)” fermented by the pos..
從自然法的角度看，科索沃阿裔應有自決獨立之權利，但相對於1990年代初斯洛文尼亞、克羅埃西亞、波士尼亞——赫塞哥維那、馬其頓相繼脫離南斯拉夫聯邦而獨立，獨立願望最強、奮鬥時間最長、與塞爾維亞種族和文化差異最大的科索沃至今仍無法如願獨立。本文認為阿裔的自決權乃因受制於科索沃歷史地位的爭議、法律地位的束縛、阿裔實力不足以及國際社會不支持等四項障礙而無法實現。在國際社會的態度方面，本文指出「維持區域權力平衡」並非國際社會重要成員不願支持科索沃獨立的主要原因，「區域和平與..
From the viewpoint of the natural law, the Kosovar Albanians should have the right of self-determination. But Kosovo, a region with the strongest will for independence, the longest time of struggle, and the greatest differences with Serbia in both race and culture, still cannot achieve its independence until now when compared with Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Macedonia, which were separated from the Yugoslav Federation and all became independent successively at the early 1990's. This article argues that the Kosovar Alb..
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