公私協力夥伴關係近年來成為南南合作的重要模式,隨著自身經濟實力的增長,南方國家廠商也開始參與其他發展中國家興建基礎建設。有鑑於先行文獻對此現象經常採行對外直接投資的研究框架,較為輕忽公共建設的特質與偏重投資的負面效果,本文以中國廠商參與泰國與緬甸的海外公共建設項目為例,進行理論建構工作。研究發現民營企業即使獨資取得地主國的公私協力夥伴計畫,也不致於衍生爭議;相對地,中央型國有企業參與基礎建設計畫較易遭遇政治反抗,但如果採行與當地或者他國際廠商的合資形式,則可較為平順地推進建設與營運。這項成果有助於釐清跨國企業類型與策略如何影響公共建設的南南合作,以及呈顯中國廠商參與海外建設過程中與日俱增的適應能力。
South-South Cooperation is believed to facilitate development smoothly. However, why do some projects of public-private partnership in infrastructure (PPI) between Southern countries create contention while others do not? This research argues that types of enterprises and interfirm cooperation are two determinants of contentious politics against foreign involvement in PPI in Southern countries. To explain how this mechanism works, I focus on Chinese firms’ port and power construction PPI in Thailand and Myanmar. The comparative case studies reveal that Chinese private multinational corporations can complete the projects of PPI without contention even though they do not seek joint ownership with indigenous enterprises. Nonetheless, Chinese state- owned enterprises can avoid backfiring only when they collaborate with local companies or residents in investing PPI. The findings contribute to the growing literature on China’s overseas infrastructure investment through the lens of government-business relationship.
世界貿易組織的成立以及自由貿易協定(Free Trade Agreement)的締結,促成了全球貿易的自由化以及國際產業供應鏈的重整。然而,伴隨國際貿易自由化而產生的國際財富分配不均,以及發展中國家未能因貿易自由化獲益的問題,亦導致發展中國家和已開發國家之齟齬日漸加深。開發中國家因此擔憂國際貿易的自由化不但無法幫助其實現脫貧的目標,更可能如國際政治經濟學依賴理論(dependency theory)所描述,導致發展中國家成為已開發國家經濟成長的墊腳石。 ..
The World Trade Organization and proliferating free trade agreements (FTAs) have contributed to the liberalization of global trade and the shift of the international supply chain. Nevertheless, trade liberalization has also led to the conflict between developing nations and developed nations and has increased the former’s concerns about the negative impact of trade on development. Premised on the dependency theory, developing nations contend that increasing free trade could worsen their dependency on the developed marke..
東南亞國家協會(東協)於 2009 年成立東協政府間人權委員會,一反其 40 年來對聯合國倡議成立區域人權機制之漠視。究竟東協為何成立區域人權機構?現有的文獻已從理性論和觀念論兩種研究途徑探討過,但其解釋 力各有不足。本文仍從理性論的觀點出發,但不同於文獻所強調的東協集體理性,本文強調個別會員國的理性,因為以往文獻在分析層次的選擇上採取了較宏觀的視角,但結果卻是無法完全解釋東權會的成立。本文仍採用理性論的研究途徑,但補充以較微觀的視角,主張東協成立東權會是東..
The ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR)was created in 2009 by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations(ASEAN), a move contrary to its ignoring of the United Nations’ forty-year advocacy. Why did ASEAN member states create the AICHR? A review of the literature found two types of arguments: rationalist and ideationalist, but neither of them is satisfactory enough to explain why the AICHR was created. This article adopts a rationalist perspective with the emphasis on ASEAN member states’ indi..
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