法國第五共和體制向為半總統制的主要原型典範,並為穩定半總統制的代表,但法國各界對此一制度設計一直有著許多爭論與修改意見。2007 年法國總統大選前,各主要政黨候選人紛紛提出「第六共和」(la VIe République)的憲政倡議。法國新任總統薩科奇(Nicolas Sarkozy)於 2008 年進行自 1958 年第五共和以來最大規模的一次修憲。修憲主要方向同時強化總統與國會的權力,在總統權力部分修憲後強化總統的國會咨文權,形同間接賦予總統的行政優勢地位,彰顯總統為國家大政決定者的憲政負責角色,加之 2000 年後總統選舉時程改變形成多數執政的政治事實,已然增加鞏固總統的憲政角色與強化總統政治權力。
法國藉由調整總統選舉時程與任期以解決總統多數與國會多數不一致 (incongruence)的半總統制典型制度困境,促使總統在憲政地位上有著實質的轉變。首先,總統任期縮短與國會一致並採「先總統、後國會」的蜜月期(honeymoon election)選舉時程改革,產生總統與國會多數一致的衣尾效應(coattail effect),縮減了共治機會的產生,並增加鞏固總統的憲政角色與強化總統權力。再者,2007 年國會選舉結果也呈現了法國總統多數聯盟取得絕對優勢,左右兩大黨在國會席次上取得壓倒性不對稱的席次分配 (disproportionality),小黨勢力迅速衰退,兩大黨政治生態的逐漸鞏固化,這些因素都促使法國政治體系朝向「體制大總統化」的傾斜演化方向。
The French Fifth Republic (la Ve République) is not only the prototype of semi-presidentialism but also the typical model of “stable semi- presidentialism,” of which the French political circle and academia have never stopped their criticism over the design of the French Fifth Republic and have consistently expressed their opinions of modification. Even before the 2007 French presidential election, most of the major parties simultaneously advocated a new constitutional engineering plans of “la VIe République” (the Sixth Republic)to modify the French Fifth Republic essentially. In 2008, newly-elected president Nicolas Sarkozy launched constitutional adjustment on a large scale to increase the powers of president and parliament simultaneously. In the part of presidential power, the enhancement of the power of State of the Union Address of president endows indirectly the president more administrative preeminence.
To resolve the major problems of incongruence and cohabitation - the Achille’s heel of semi-presidentialism, France has adjusted the election schedule in 2000. The consistency between the presidential term and the parliamentary term as well as the honeymoon election schedule reform of presidential election first and then parliamentary election have generated the coattail effect and increased the possibility of consistency of the presidential majority and parliamentary majority. These outcomes resulted in a sharp shrinkage of cohabitation opportunity, and in turns strengthened the presidential power. Furthermore, the result of parliamentary election in 2007 also revealed the rapid declination of the radical parties and the development of two major parties system. All these factors attribute to the future development of présidentialisme.
由於先天即存在應然與實然的落差,加上後天多元研究取向所導致立論之分歧,使得半總統制常有評價之爭議。因此,論者在研究中除了應正確認識半總統制的理論內涵,亦需謹慎進行案例的比較或應用,始能產生更精確、細緻的研究成果。本文出於這樣的關懷,將從理論層面出發,透過相關文獻檢閱與不同研究方法之回顧,重新發現半總統制的分析焦點及不同運作類型之內涵及變遷方向。再者,本文也將進行半總統制案例的初步檢驗,以確認半總統制國家實際運作的不同樣態與其中原因。 ..
Since Maurice Duverger proposed the concept of semi-presidentialism in 1980, disputes have increasingly been raised among researchers. Given the gap between norms and operations of semi-presidentialism, as well as the complexities among the relationships of president, prime minister, and congress in the operations of semi-presidential countries, this paper develops a theory-driven comparative framework of this concept. Through re- examining the definitions of semi-presidentialism and the methodology of analyzing its operation..
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