橫亙百餘年之久的俄屬遠東黃禍論已是某種或然性規律,不僅未因世局變遷而消弭,今日更成為俄羅斯與中國之間的兩難困境與潛在負面變數。本文擬由身分政治角度切入,解構促使黃禍論於冷戰後復萌之無形雙重觀念結構-俄中關係與俄國內部互動。除藉以揭示黃禍論的深層蘊含外,亦對其進行中長期預測,希冀藉由建構主義就黃禍論的釋疑,推導「跨層次/情境習得轉化」論點,讓國際政治與國內政治雙向互動的研究不再僅是某種未落實的隱喻,從而為建構主義中層理論增添新的實徵案例,並作為層次分析學理的補充。
本文認為,俄中兩國間的身分與認知需獲得調和,而俄國內部的疏離以及遠東區當地俄人與中國人間的隔閡亦須趨同,黃禍論方有減輕、緩和,乃至於消弭的可能。然而,兩國當前所期望的共有文化-「世代友好,永不為敵」尚未徹底到位,俄國內部促成黃禍論復萌的離心傾向亦仍俟時而動。各造屬性若未能調和,黃禍論仍將持續與其所依附之雙重觀念結構交錯地建構,其成因亦可能經由社會化而代代相傳。但遠東區俄人與中國人互動多年後,其若干特質與行為卻逐漸與中國人趨同,此或許能補足俄國內部所欠缺之自下而上的建構作用。此外,世代交替亦為俄羅斯再起的希望,俄中兩國的差距若能弭平,黃禍論自亦有望緩和、消弭。
Yellow Peril in the Russian Far East, spanning more than one hundred years, has already become a probabilistic law. It does not fade with time, and has already been the dilemma and the potential negative variable between Russia and China. The thesis attempts to analyze Yellow Peril from a perspective of identity politics, and to deconstruct Russo-Chinese relationships and Russia’s domestic interaction, because the dual intangible idea structures awakened contemporary Yellow Peril after the Cold War. Such an approach not only reveals the essence of Yellow Peril, but also forecasts its mid- to long-term development. Besides, it attempts to deduce the argument: “learning and transferring across level and mood” by explaining Yellow Peril through Constructivism, so as to make the research on interaction of international relations and domestic politics not merely an unrealized metaphor, adding a new example for the middle range theory of Constructivism and providing a supplement to the level-of-analysis.
The thesis contends that the identities and cognitions between Russia and China must be coordinated. Moreover, Russia’s domestic alienation and the gap between the Russian and the Chinese in the Russian Far East should be narrowed, and then Yellow Peril may just be mitigated or eliminated. However, the currently shared culture: “To be friends forever and never be enemies,” expected by both Russia and China, is not realized thoroughly, and the domestic centrifugal tendency that led to Yellow Peril still exists in Russia. If the properties of each side cannot be coordinated, Yellow Peril will construct and intertwine with the dual idea structures, and the causes of Yellow Peril may also persist from generation to generation through socialization. Nevertheless, after these two peoples interacted for several years, some characteristics and behaviors of the Russians in the Russian Far East have turned out to be more and more similar to those of the Chinese, and this may compensate for the lack of bottom-up construction in Russia. Moreover, alternation of generations may also be the hope of Russia’s resurgence. If the gap between China and Russia can be narrowed, Yellow Peril may also be mitigated and eliminated.
本文探究歐盟整合過程中出現的多樣性整合模式,並進而探討不同的整合模式對兩岸關係的適用性為何。依據「國家認同與定位的相關性」及「是否為領導或創始國」等兩項變數,本文區分出歐盟四種整合模式:德國模式對整合運動的承諾與支持度最高,其次為芬蘭模式與法國模式,英國模式則為最低。基於台灣與中國大陸政府對台灣主權存在爭議的現實,持願景路線的德國或法國模式均無法適用於兩岸關係的整合模式,兩岸整合前景最好的情況為芬蘭模式,最不理想為英國模式。模型化的結果因而可以解釋為何兩岸日..
This paper investigates the diverse approaches of EU members’ integration with the EU through modeling, and assesses the applicability of each model to the Taiwan-China relations. Building upon two variables – ‘the association with national identity and reorientation’, and ‘being the leading or founding member’ – four EU members’ integrative models stand out. The German model is proven to be the most integrationist, followed by the Finnish and the French models. The UK model app..
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