本文探討一個認同對外交政策的影響,並以「芬蘭化」的概念為例。外交政策基本上是對「我群/我們」概念的回應,而一個政治社群諸如「我們是誰?」、「在世界上的角色和地位」對問題的回答,則大致是穩定的。爬梳一個社群對「我們」概念如「民族」與「國家」的理解與論述方式,將有助於解釋該社群之外交政策的大致走向。
「芬蘭化」(Finlandization)一詞源於 1948 年芬蘭與蘇聯之協定,意指小國在其對外行為上,主動將大國之國家利益納入考量,不做出有害大國利益之事,從而交換大國對其獨立性與自主性的承諾。既有文獻常將此一特殊中立政策的做成,歸因於小國在現實政治的限制下被動但理性之反應。本文從「文化民族」(Kulturnation)以及「國家民族」(Staatsnation)之論述,將 「芬蘭化」的政策,理解為是對芬蘭歷史脈絡與民族主義思想傳統的復歸與重構。這不僅賦予理性主義的觀點更具體的內涵,也有助於解釋芬蘭的中立政策,由消極到積極的可能性條件。
This paper explores the impact of identity on foreign policy, with the idea of “Finlandization” as an empirical case. Foreign policy can be conceptualized as a response to “we” concepts, and a political community’s answers to such questions as “who we are” and “our roles and places in the world” are generally stable. It is thus helpful to grasp the general tendency of a community’s foreign policy if the ways in which it understands and organizes the basic “we” concepts such as how the “nation” and the “state” are identified.
The term “Finlandization” originates from the 1948 Finnish-Soviet Treaty, and is used to refer to a small state’s foreign behavior that it takes a great power’s national interests into consideration and avoids actions that hinder the great power, so that its independence and autonomy can be assured. Most literature understands the making of this peculiar policy of neutrality in terms of a small state’s passive but rational action under the constraints of Realpolitik. By analyzing the Finnish discourses of “cultural nation” (Kulturnation)and “state-nation”(Staatsnation), this paper interprets the policy-line of Finlandization as a resort to, as well as a remaking of, the Finnish historical context and tradition. This way of reasoning not only provides the rationalist accounts with more substantial contents, it also helps explain how Finland’s neutrality shifted from a passive stance to a more active one.
本文以「邊緣性」(marginality)的概念,詮釋小國愛沙尼亞(Estonia)的安全政策。「邊緣性」兼具地緣政治、認同、權力關係等多重意涵,適合用以探討小國的安全政策。從此觀點來看,位居邊緣位置的小國,不必然總是受制於中心或大國主導的秩序;由於前者本身是構成秩序的一部分,它也具有影響中心的可能性。後冷戰時期的愛沙尼亞,在外交與安全政策上可說由俄羅斯轉向西方。在這個置換中心的過程中,它一方面向新的中心(北約與歐盟)表達向心力,積極參與其主導的秩序,另一方..
This paper attempts to (re)interpret Estonia’s security policy by adopting the concept of “marginality,” an idea that bears such elements as geopolitics, identity, size and power relations, and is therefore suitable for studying small states’ security policies. A small state located at the margin is not necessarily constrained by or subjected to the great power at the center, because as a constituent part of the very relationship, the margin always has certain potential to exert influence on the center..
近年來,深綠選民經常認為是陳水扁總統在個人危機,或是民進黨在選戰中的主要訴求對象,因而凸顯了深綠選民的重要性。本文主要的目的在於探討深綠選民應該如何測量及定義,以及他們是否真的是泛綠陣營選票的主要來源。作者根據台灣意識、台灣人政權以及政黨認同的概念,建構三個不同的指標,以測量及定義深綠選民。分析結果發現:以指標的表現而言,三個指標各有其優缺點,但在 TEDS2005M 的資料中,以台灣人政權指標的整體表現較佳。三個指標所定義的深綠選民,投票給泛綠候選人的比例..
Conventional wisdom holds that when President Chen Shui-bian faces personal crises, as well as in the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DDP) election campaigns, Chen and the party always appeal to the so-called “deep- green voters” for support, such that these voters factor prominently in determining election outcomes. The purpose of this paper is to define and measure deep-green voters, and also to examine whether the support of deep- green voters is vital for the pan-green parties. The author creates three i..
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