傳統的研究智慧中,總統制和兩黨制的配套被認為是一個民主國家較容易運作的組合。主要的理由是兩黨制較不可能出現意識形態的極化,以及因為兩個政黨需要贏得中間位置的選票,其可以促成政黨之間較溫和及向心的競爭,因而有助於總統制的運作。然而,近年來,一些兩黨總統制國家發生嚴重的憲政危機,甚至促成民主衰退。為何這些兩黨總統制國家會走上民主衰退的道路,是本文所要探索的研究問題。首先,本文透過對於拉丁美洲兩黨總統制國家的個案分析發現,憲政結構的因素如總統和國會的權力抗衡會影響兩黨總統制運作的成功或是失敗。本文經由對哥斯大黎加以及 1993 年 之前的委內瑞拉的個案說明,弱權總統對強權國會的憲政結構,較能促進兩黨總統制民主的成功運作。其次,從 1993 年到 1999 年的委內瑞拉和哥倫比亞的例子說明,強權總統對強權國會的憲政結構,促成兩黨總統制國家出現嚴重的憲政危機和民主衰退。本文的分析說明了總統制和兩黨制配套的情形下,強權總統和強權國會之權力抗衡會導致民主衰退。
Past research argues that presidentialism and two-party systems are workable combinations that can facilitate democratic stability. The causal mechanisms are that ideological polarization is less possible to appear in a two-party system, that two parties needing to win votes from the center encourages moderation, and that the absence of the extremist parties and the centripetal nature of party competition favor democratic stability. However, in recent years, some presidential countries with a two-party system in Latin America have suffered serious constitutional crises, thereby causing democratic decay. This paper aims to answer why these presidential countries with a two-party system have gone the way of democratic decay. After analyzing the cases of presidential countries with a two-party system in Latin America, this paper shows that the constitutional structure, especially balancing between the president and congress, affects the success or failure of operation of presidential countries with a two-party system. First, presidentialism in Costa Rica and Venezuela(1961-1993)illustrate that the constitutional structure, weak president versus strong congress, facilitates democracy in these two countries. Second, presidentialism in Venezuela (1993-1999)and in Columbia present that the constitutional structure, strong president versus strong congress, brings about democratic decay. This paper argues that the success or failure of democratic operation in presidential countries with a two-party system depends on the balancing of inter-branch power.
作為德國歷史上的第一個民主政體─威瑪共和從誕生開始就是一個「生病的民主」,也是一個「沒有民主人的民主」。威瑪憲法的制定者除了架構起所謂的「程序性民主」之外,同時更在議會制的基礎上賦予民選的總統強大的權力─半總統制,加上欠缺民主文化,以及存在著反體制的政黨,致令威瑪憲法像是特洛伊木馬。最後在議會政治失敗的亂局中,希特勒(Adolf Hitler)率領納粹黨徒從木馬中一躍而出,用原本是保護民主的權力將民主政體合法地謀殺掉。 二戰後的聯邦德國..
As the first democracy in German history, the Weimar Republic was “a sick democracy”, and “a democracy without democrats” ever since it was born. The composers of the Weimar Constitution not only constructed a so-called “procedural democracy”, but also gave the extreme power to the people-elected president – semi-presidentialism – based on the foundation of parliamentary system. Furthermore, accompanied with a political climate that lacked democratic culture and existing parties..
法國第五共和體制向為半總統制的主要原型典範,並為穩定半總統制的代表,但法國各界對此一制度設計一直有著許多爭論與修改意見。2007 年法國總統大選前,各主要政黨候選人紛紛提出「第六共和」(la VIe République)的憲政倡議。法國新任總統薩科奇(Nicolas Sarkozy)於 2008 年進行自 1958 年第五共和以來最大規模的一次修憲。修憲主要方向同時強化總統與國會的權力,在總統權力部分修憲後強化總統的國會咨文權,形同間接賦予總統的行政優勢..
The French Fifth Republic (la Ve République) is not only the prototype of semi-presidentialism but also the typical model of “stable semi- presidentialism,” of which the French political circle and academia have never stopped their criticism over the design of the French Fifth Republic and have consistently expressed their opinions of modification. Even before the 2007 French presidential election, most of the major parties simultaneously advocated a new constitutional engineering plans of “la VIe Républiq..
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