東協各國政府廣泛地認為,南海爭端是冷戰後東南亞主要的「衝突引爆點」。它也對東協的團結及其有關和平解決爭端的規範帶來了嚴峻的考驗。由於並非所有東協成員國都是南海島礁的聲索國,因此,東協對南海的共識與立場始終受到各國在南海不同利益的影響而罕有「一致性」,而東協決策的模式也顯示其南海政策立場的結構性問題。對南海衝突管理與海域劃界涉及的東協會員國至少有越南、菲律賓、馬來西亞與汶萊,印尼和新加坡的立場也值得關注。本文目的是探討作為一個整體的東協,如何回應南海緊張局勢的升高。雖然東協「共識」(consensus)的程度似乎在制定《東協憲章》 (ASEAN Charter)已經有所進步,但共識仍受到現實政治的限制。本文主要討論「南海各方行為宣言」(Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea, DOC)和「南海行為準則」(Code of Conduct on the South China Sea, COC)的發展進程,以及東協對於菲律賓提出「和平、自由、友誼與合作區」(Zone of Peace, Freedom, Friendship, and Cooperation, ZOPFFC) 的回應。
The South China Sea(SCS)dispute was widely viewed by ASEAN governments as the major ‘flashpoint of conflict’ in the post-Cold War Southeast Asia. It also posed a serious test of ASEAN’s unity and of its norms concerning peaceful settlements of disputes. Because not all ASEAN member countries are the claim countries of the SCS islands and reefs, therefore, the consensus and position of ASEAN on the SCS have always been rare "consistency" due to different interests in the SCS. ASEAN decision-making style also shows structural problems of its policy stance in the SCS. ASEAN members on conflict management in the SCS and the maritime delimitation involve at least Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei; Indonesia and Singapore’s positions are also noteworthy. The purpose of this paper is to explore how ASEAN as a whole responds to the rise of tensions in the SCS. Although the extent of the ASEAN consensus seems to make progress in the development of the ASEAN Charter, consensus is still subject to the limitations of political realities. This article focuses on the developmental process of the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea(DOC)and the Code of Conduct for the South China Sea(COC), and the ASEAN responses to the Philippines’ zone of peace, Freedom, friendship and cooperation(ZOPFFC)initiative.
美國在小布希與歐巴馬兩任政府主政時期,對馬來西亞的政策出現顯著差異。當前多數文獻以「雙邊─多邊」或「軍事─經濟」的兩組對照作為比較基礎,而本文在具體耙梳兩屆政府在美馬經貿與安全合作的政策異同之後,發現上述兩組對照分析模式有過於簡化之嫌,因此提出以外交取向的本質作為出發點,深入研究小布希與歐巴馬政府對馬政策的異同。以美馬反恐和南海議題上的合作為案例進行分析之後,本文發現小布希政府的對馬政策是功能取向的,因此著重對馬政策的工具性與利益界定,導致雙邊關係發展受限於..
Since the Obama administration initiated the “Rebalancing toward Asia” policy, development of US-Malaysia relationship has been one of the crucial topics. Many researchers have suggested that Obama’s policy toward Malaysia is more successful than that of Bush’s, and most works have followed the framework of “bilateralism vs. multilateralism” and “security- oriented vs. economy-oriented” to make a strategic comparison. This article examines such frameworks and argues that they ar..
東南亞在亞太政經體系中的重要性逐日提升,從而使得主要大國持續策畫新區域戰略,積極布局東南亞國家及社會,藉以強化自身的影響力。臺灣在 2016 年再次經歷政黨輪替,蔡英文總統啟動新南向政策作為建立臺灣與周邊區域全面連結的新戰略。新南向政策設定「以人為本」的主軸,除了重 新建構臺灣的區域定位,亦在經貿合作、人才交流、資源共享與區域鏈結等四個面向深耕臺灣與新南向區域、國家及社會的協力關係。本研究分別從制度與網絡兩個軸線分析新南向政策的進展:首先,在制度軸線方面,本..
The strategic importance of Southeast Asia is increasingly weighted in recent years among Asia-Pacific major powers and Taiwan. Since 2016, as Taiwan experienced another power transition, President Tsai Ing-Wen initiated the New Southbound Policy as her flagship strategy to link up Taiwan with neighboring countries. A people-centered rationale of the New Southbound Policy aims at reconstructing Taiwan’s regional identity, deepening its relation with regional countries and contributing to local societies. This paper disc..
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