隨著近年「印太」成為國際關係與外交研究的重要詞彙,歐盟於2021年4月首次提出「印太戰略」,並特別強調與東協在印太區域合作的重要性。事實上,歐盟自2010年代以來受到全球經濟重心東移、亞洲地緣政治競爭激烈等結構性因素影響,已加速與東協的「第三波區域間主義(Third Interregionalism)」發展;除與東協國家洽簽經濟協定,並於2020年底將原有與東協的對話夥伴關係升級為戰略夥伴關係。本文主張歐盟透過與東協國家洽簽經濟協定以增強其「印太戰略」的效力,而雙邊升級的關係不但強化東協在全球的經貿戰略地位,互動過程中所建立的法律架構亦充實區域間主義理論之內涵。本文以歐盟近年與新加坡和越南簽署的「開路者(pathfinder)」貿易及投資協定為例,探討歐盟對東協的經貿戰略布局與實務作法,以及「印太戰略」的思維。在傳統的貨品及服務貿易等範疇之外,本文亦分析歐盟新世代自由貿易協定的元素,包括人權與永續發展、地理標示,以及爭端解決機制等規範。整體而言,歐盟考量新越兩國處於不同經濟發展狀態,給予越南較多彈性。藉由聚焦歐盟與新越簽署的經濟協定以及和「印太戰略」的關係,本研究解釋歐盟如何在亞洲推動以歐洲規範與價值為核心的經濟協定,並勾勒出歐盟與東協新區域間主義的最新輪廓。
Indo-Pacific strategies have become salient in international relations and diplomatic studies. In April 2021, the European Union (EU) for the first time declared its own Indo-Pacific strategy and emphasized the importance of cooperation with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In fact, global systemic factors such as the shift of economic power to Asia and the intense geopolitical rivalry in the region have galvanized the evolution of the Third Interregionalism between the EU and ASEAN. Other than economic agreements, both blocs upgraded their Dialogue Partnership to the Strategic Partnership in 2020. This article argues that the EU’s economic agreements with ASEAN countries not only implement the Indo-Pacific strategy, but also enhance the global status of ASEAN, hence buttressing the development of interregionalism theories. By focusing on the EU’s pathfinder trade and investment agreements with Singapore and Vietnam, the article evaluates the EU’s pragmatic approach to ASEAN under the Indo-Pacific strategy. In addition to traditional areas of trade in goods and services, the article analyzes the key components of new-generation trade pacts such as human rights, sustainable development, geographical indications, and dispute settlement mechanisms. Give different development stages of Singapore and Vietnam, the EU’s free trade agreement (FTA) with Vietnam includes additional flexibilities. The nexus between these agreements and the EU’s Indo-Pacific strategy provides a new understanding of the EU’s normative efforts to promote European values in Asia in the context of EU-ASEAN interregionalism.
不論從當前的理論或是實務發展來看,中國在2010年以來的對外主要 作為均以其一帶一路倡議以及亞洲基礎設施投資銀行作為分析要點,而美 國的對應則聚焦在歐巴馬總統開始,並在川普與拜登時期成熟的印太戰略 上。學界與政策界對兩國互動的研析,不外乎是基於這樣的戰略架構討 論。不過,中國如何在近年發展之中逐漸形成一套在亞洲地區的策略,用 以應對美國及其盟友的印太戰略,目前並沒有一套較完整的架構解析。本 文認為,雖然在政策偏向、對外原則以及價值觀等面向,中國並沒有採用 美國及其盟國所主張的「印太戰略」..
From either theory or practice, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) have been identified as two major foreign behaviors of China. To respond, the United States adopts the Indo Pacific Strategy which started in the Obama administration and developed in Trump and Biden administrations. Though scholars and policy practitioners apply the aforementioned strategies to analyze US-China relations, the understanding of China’s strategy in Asia is still underdeveloped. This paper argues that while ..
國家安全戰略中的經濟安全層面關注之面向為掌握經濟資源管道,維持經濟繁榮與永續發展,進而保障經濟體系長期穩定成長與安全運作。韓國自 1990 年代末期啟動 FTA 戰略,作為主要的對外通商核心政策,希望透過積極參與經濟整合,提升國際地位。 本文由韓國構築 FTA 戰略之源起為背景,以韓國政府公報、官員回憶錄、美國國會之公開檔案、智庫之研究報告、國內外學者撰寫之重要期刊論文與專書以及主要媒體報導為參考素材,配合訪談參與韓美 FTA 談判之雙..
National security strategy on the economic level of concern focuses not only on controlling economic resources to maintain prosperity and sustainable development, but also ensures long-term and stable growth and safety operation in an economic system. South Korea has pushed forward the FTA strategy as its core foreign trade policy since the 1990s in order for participating in economic integration and enhancing its international status. This paper sets Korea’s FTA Strategy as the background and uses Korean gov..
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