在國族形塑過程中，各種原生條件，如共同歷史記憶、語言、文化、宗教信仰等，扮演著重要角色。烏克蘭在擺脫俄羅斯影響，重塑其國家主體性的歷史進程中，耗費漫長的時間在教會自主-脫離莫斯科的管理，成為真正的民族教會。但就東正教會的角度來看，一個民族國家教會的獨立不僅只是個別國家的問題，還牽涉到普世東正教會的教法傳統，這也涉及到東正教關於教會與國家關係的認知。此外，烏克蘭正教會的獨立又牽涉到兩個無法迴避的議題:烏克蘭信眾對於教會歸屬的認同以及莫斯科教會的立場和影響力。本文以烏克蘭正教會獨立為核心，討論東正教會的組織，烏克蘭正教會獨立的歷史以及烏克蘭當代政治與宗教之間的關係及其對烏克蘭社會的影響。
During the process of building a nation, various original conditions, such as common historical memory, language, culture, religious beliefs, etc., play an important role. In the history of integration of Ukrainian statehood, the most important events are the independence of the Ukrainian Church, where it separated from Moscow’s rule and the creation of a national Church. However, from the position of the Ecumenical Orthodox Church, this topic not only touches state policy, but also the Church tradition, which has a connection with the principle of relations between the Church and the state. In addition, the topic of the independence of the Church in Ukraine concerns two inevitable problems: the Church’s intensification of Ukrainian believers and the power of the Moscow Church’s influence. This article discusses the following issues: the autonomy of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, the structure of the Orthodox Church, the history of the struggle for independence of the Ukrainian Church from Moscow, the relationship between the Church and the state, and the impact of this topic on society in Ukraine.
俄羅斯現代史上轉型時期極為重要的理論和實踐問題，就是俄羅斯聯邦制的建立與發展。而俄羅斯社會的經濟、社會和國家政治領域改革的結果，很大程度上取決於聯邦制的順利發展。實際上，整個俄羅斯的命運也取決於俄羅斯聯邦制如何發展。本論文試著釐清兩個問題:第一、在葉爾欽時期，聯邦主體的主權過度擴張，為何在普金時期卻又能將這些權力收回?第二、其決定性因素為何?而此決定性因素又如何地影響聯邦中央和聯邦主體之間的權力拉鋸爭奪? 故本文有兩個重要議題，首先是試..
Russia is a federation which, as of March 1, 2008, consists of 83 federal subjects(members of the Federation). One of the extremely important theoretical and practical issues during the process of political transition in Russia’s modern history is the establishment and development of Russian federalism. The results of economic, social and political reform in the Russian society largely depend on the smooth development of federalism. In fact, the whole fate of Russia also depends on the development of Russian federalism...
2004 年及 2007 年歐盟兩次東擴後已有 27 個會員國，但目前仍有許多國家期望未來可以加入歐盟。對歐盟來說，繼續擴大歐洲穩定與民主區有助於歐洲大陸局勢之穩定，然其負面效應則是過多會員國可能有礙於更深層次的整合與有限資源應如何有效分配等問題。因此，歐盟對其鄰近國家採取一系列相關政策來整合目前歐盟與這些地區之互動，其主要政策工具即是歐盟睦鄰政策之推行，本文試圖釐清歐盟睦鄰政策初步實踐之效果。作者認為，睦鄰政策做為歐盟外交政策工具之一，其主要核心目標在於提..
There are 27 member states within the European Union after enlargements of 2004 and 2007; many others are still trying to join the EU recently. The inclusion of more states is conducive to the expansion of stability zone in the European continent but it will be at the cost of closer EU integration and resource distribution. The European Neighbourhood Policy is designed for enhanced cooperation after the fifth enlargement between EU and its partner countries and this article tries to explore the innate nature of policy goals a..
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