人類安全的概念首次出現在聯合國開發計畫署(United Nations Development Programme, UNDP)於 1994 年出版的人類發展報告之中,自此 之後,人類安全與人類發展等概念廣為各國採用與學界討論。其中位於東南亞的泰國,於 1997 年遭受亞洲金融風暴的襲擊後,在泰皇蒲美蓬 (Bhumibol Adulyadej)的倡導之下,積極推動強調「以人民為主」(people- centered)的人類安全概念。雖然泰國在許多方面表現出對於人類安全的重視,但泰國從 2005 年開始出現「紅黃之爭」的政治動盪,對於民眾的日常生活與性命財產造成嚴重威脅。軍方更是於 2006 年與 2014 年兩度發動政變,接管行政與立法部門,並發布全國戒嚴令,人民的言論與集會結社自由被壓抑。司法部門也不斷介入政爭,數次做出對塔克辛(Thaksin Shinawatra)陣營不利的判決,發動「司法政變」(judicial coup)。這十餘年來的紅黃之爭、軍方介入政治與司法雙重標準都讓泰國陷入政治安全的困境之中。本文主要針對泰國這幾年來的政治安全困境進行分析,認為泰國從 1960 年開始推動以曼谷為核心(Bangkok-based)的國家經濟發展計畫,忽略曼谷以外地區的經濟發展需求,進而導致人類安全重要測量指標出現明顯的區域落差,長期以來形成曼谷中產階級與北部、東北部中下階級的對立,是造成泰國這幾年政治安全困境的主要原因。
The concept of human security first appeared in the United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP) 1994 Human Development Report. According to the report, the scope of human security should be broadened to include seven issues: economic security, food security, health security, environment security, personal security, community security and political security. Since then, concepts of human security and human development are widely adopted and implemented by states and commonly discussed in the academic world. Thailand actively promotes the idea of human security and people-centered security concept since the 1997 Asian financial crisis. However, the political conflict between the red-shirt and the yellow-shirt in the past decade caused dilemmas of political security. This research paper aims to explore the current status of political insecurity in Thailand since the second half of 2005. We argue that Thailand was divided into the urban middle class in Bangkok and central Thailand and the rural poor from the North and Northeast of Thailand due to uneven regional economic development policies. The government adopted the five-year National Economic and Social Development Plan ( NESDP ) since 1961, which centered Bangkok in national economic development. The Bangkok-based development policy was the main factor of the division that resulted in the decade-long political turmoil, and consequently caused political insecurity in Thailand.
國家機關(the State)是否利用國家資源干預市場(the Market)、國家機關是否應選擇某些特定產業加以扶植(selective policy)?這些投入資源是否能被有效達成發展的目的?是政治經濟學界有關「新古典經濟學派」與 「發展型國家學派」爭辯的焦點。在東協國家中,同樣自 1970 年代發展汽車產業,為何泰國與馬來西亞的汽車產業發展出現差距?差距是否源自國家機關與產業政策互動的結果?本研究藉由探討馬來西亞與泰國汽車產業的發展歷程,試圖比較與論證..
Whether should the state interfere the market by using state resources? Should the state cultivate certain industries? Does the state resources work to help the state achieve developmental goals? These are the arguments between the ‘New Classical Economics School’ and the ‘National Development School’. Automobile industries in both Thailand and Malaysia developed in the 1970s with governmental interference but the development in the two countries diverged. Does the difference come from the interactions..
冷戰的結束為全球國際情勢創造了新的現況,「安全」的意義不再只是狹義的以「國家」為「安全」的唯一適用單位,「人類安全」概念在這樣的背景下出現。唯「人類安全」指的是「誰的」安全? 針對此一問題,本文從移民議題與人類安全概念的相容性切入,探討人類安全概念在移民議題上之適用性。文章進而專注於歐盟對人類安全概念之論述,並以近年非洲企圖渡海抵達歐洲之移民情況為個案來評估歐盟將人類安全付諸實踐之情況。結論指出,「人類安全」之思維既已得到歐盟支持認同,則那些鋌而走險企圖尋求較好生活環境的非法移民在跨海過..
The new international status quo resulted from the end og the Cold War has broadened tthe definition of "security". No longer does "security" pertian only to "nations", a theme best epitomized by the concept of "human security". The concept of human security, however, has been under attack for its lack of clarity regarding "whose" security it aims to analyze. This article tackles this problem by probing into the applicability of the concept on the migration issue. It focuses on the ..
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