中日第二次戰爭(即對日抗戰,1937~1945 年)時期,交戰各方為爭奪南洋華僑群眾支持,遂發展政治論述(discourse)。由於「國族」(nation)並非東亞固有觀念,因此華僑國族認同成為當時重要課題。本研究將以戰時各方之調查報告、政策文獻、外交檔案為核心,研究「國共汪日」四方之華僑政治論述基礎、主要政策與華僑群體的應對過程。研究發現:華僑社群原接受中國傳統思想,以各種親屬與文化關係維繫對中國認同,故國民政府在當時以各種團體為中介,實行「抗日救國」的國族主義論述;與此對立,日本帝國宣傳「東亞共榮」之階層秩序,以現代型主權國家認同試圖取代傳統認同。此外,還有汪政府以亞洲主義為主軸,主張使用「亞洲民族」之觀念; 延安政府主要跟隨國府之國族主義,但亦提出扶植華僑獨立與解放殖民地的左翼政治主張。綜上所述,鑑於戰時對華僑的政治論述之多元性,乃是觀察東亞近現代政治論述與華僑國族認同之良好參考點。
During the Second Sino-Japanese War, a.k.a. War of Resistance (1937~1945), both China and Japan attempted to gain support from overseas Chinese using their different political discourses. The concept of “nation” was not originated in East Asia but highly propagandized during this war period. This article analyzed and compared various discourses on overseas Chinese mobilization submitted by four actors─Chiang(Choung- ching government ), Wang ( Nanking government ), Mao ( Yen-an government), and Empire Japan ─ using documents, reports and diplomatic files at that time. This article found that overseas Chinese basically accepted the traditional Chinese thought and were connected by kinship to be an identical group. The Choung-ching government emphasized on nationalism in order to appeal overseas Chinese to “Defend Japan, Save Nation”. On the other hand, Japan presented “Greater East Asia” to overseas Chinese to seek their corporation. The Nanking government adopted the viewpoint similar to Japan while promoting Sun Yet Sen’s “Great Asianism,” but the discourse was not complete. Finally, Mao’s discourse followed those of the Choung- ching government, while encouraging anti-colonization and independence with a leftist perspective. In conclusion, this study on multiple discourses on overseas Chinese may provide a historical reference in East Asian political studies.
1648 年西發里亞條約簽訂後,「領土律令」成為主權國家的一項基本原理。 可是,像泰國這樣的東南亞國家,在劃定政治空間以後,卻未能完全地控制邊界。在邊界地帶,中央政府的政治權力相當虛弱,而且,容易遭遇挑戰。冷戰時期,泰國政府因認知到共產主義威脅,而將邊界地帶的高山民族納入國家統合的議程中。為有效地對邊界地帶的高山民族進行統治,且主張統治的正當性,泰國官方創造出一套關於高山民族的論述體系,使得「山民」成為泰國北部高山民族的一種身分織別的負面標籤。泰國政府持續地把焦點放在「山民問題」的解決,..
Since 1648, territorial imperative has become a basic principle of the modern sovereign nation-state system. With the emergence of modern nation-states in peninsular Southeast Asia in the post-colonial era, however, those states' writ still fails to extend to the borderland. During the Cold War period, the central government of Thailand perceived Communism as a threat to Southeast Asia, thus necessary to integrate the highlanders into a territorially bounded nation. For effective ruling, the term chao khao (hill tribe peoples ) was used..
本文探討一個認同對外交政策的影響,並以「芬蘭化」的概念為例。外交政策基本上是對「我群/我們」概念的回應,而一個政治社群諸如「我們是誰?」、「在世界上的角色和地位」對問題的回答,則大致是穩定的。爬梳一個社群對「我們」概念如「民族」與「國家」的理解與論述方式,將有助於解釋該社群之外交政策的大致走向。 「芬蘭化」(Finlandization)一詞源於 1948 年芬蘭與蘇聯之協定,意指小國在其對外行為上,主動將大國之國家利益納入考量,不做出..
This paper explores the impact of identity on foreign policy, with the idea of “Finlandization” as an empirical case. Foreign policy can be conceptualized as a response to “we” concepts, and a political community’s answers to such questions as “who we are” and “our roles and places in the world” are generally stable. It is thus helpful to grasp the general tendency of a community’s foreign policy if the ways in which it understands and organizes the basic “we&r..
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