過去研究已指出選舉輸家和贏家在民主滿意度和政治支持上具有顯著的差異，然而卻鮮少有研究檢視選舉輸家和贏家在情感極化的程度上是否有顯著的不同。本研究認為在選舉競爭激烈的情況下，選舉輸家對於勝選者缺乏信心，不信任勝選者會回應其需求，加深其與勝選陣營之間的鴻溝，進而具有較高的情感極化程度。另一方面，選舉贏家則因為處於勝選、掌握政治權力的一方，對於敵對陣營可能較具有包容力，因此會具有較低的情感極化程度。此外，本研究進一步提出選舉輸家/贏家與情感極化之間的關係會受到治效能感的調節作用而產生異質性的影..

Previous research has pointed out significant differences between electoral losers and winners in terms of democratic satisfaction and political support. However, there has been scarce examination of whether there are significant differences in affective polarization between electoral losers and winners. This study argues that in fiercely competitive elections, electoral losers lack confidence in the winners and distrust that their needs will be addressed, deepening the divide between them and the winning camp, and leading to higher levels ..

恐怖主義以國際化新面貌出現在東南亞地區已經形成對區域內國家安全的嚴重挑戰，同時也因為恐怖組織具有非國家行為者威脅區域安全的特性，其活動方式與範圍繁複，不僅僅以單純的暴力攻擊方式進行，另有以滲透、洗錢、非法入境、核生化原料販運，甚至進行網路攻擊等等，凸顯出恐怖主義與非傳統安全因素對區域安全的威脅大幅增高。而國際反恐的進行，衝擊區域內伊斯蘭世界的輿論動向，各國政府無不審慎因應。九一一恐怖攻擊之後恐怖主義及其相關安全威脅的嚴重性已經成為各國政府以及安全研究領域專家..

Over the past decade, terrorist activities in Southeast Asia have increasingly posed great threat upon regional security. By developing international networks, terrorist organizations can effectively launch operation across borders and deliver massive terror to societies concerned. Unlike traditional security threats to states, threats of terrorist organizations are characterized by its vast complexity and scope of activities. Not only do terrorists conduct violent attacks to communities targeted, but also carry out money lau..