現有國際關係研究對於霸權主導國際制度已有一定之發現,不過對崛起強權參與建構國際制度的行為傾向,則附屬於霸權的相關討論,而未獲得一定之重視。霸權論一般認為,崛起強權在未發生霸權戰爭前,只能被迫遵循霸權主導 下的國際制度,唯有在崛起強權取得霸權地位之後,方能展示是創建國際制度的領導能力。霸權論由相對物質權力層面探索的崛起強權描述,僅能凸顯霸權戰爭的爆發,未必能勾勒出崛起強權的全面行為,亦未能解釋霸權繼承者的條件。
發生霸權更迭之前,並非沒有發生崛起強權參與建構國際制度的案例,例如德意志帝國在 1878 年主持柏林公會,解決東歐巴爾幹問題,更於 1885 年的柏林會議中達成列強瓜分非洲的行為準則;美國在 1922 年主導華盛頓會議,成功地就列強的海軍軍備管制與列強在亞太努力範圍問題,達成協議。
探索崛起強權參與國際制度建構過程的歷史實踐後發現,國際制度是崛起強權與霸權之間的權力競合場域,霸權並不擁有主導國際制度創建過程的專利,面臨其他競爭者的壓力,崛起強權亦能透過策略結盟,成就是創建國際制度的主 導性地位。
The exploration of the rising power has been subordinated to the arguments of hegemony and revisionist states. The Hegemonic Stability Theory and Power Transfer Theory have argued that the rising power has to follow international instructions set according to the hegemonic interests before the break out of hegemony war through which the rising power revolts the status quo hegemon. This approach might describe the reasons of hegemonic war; however, it might not be able to explain the overall behavior patterns of rising power in the construction of international institutions.
It is evident that before the hegemonic transition, there are cases that the rising power has participated actively in the construction of international institutions. For example, the 1878 Berlin Congress, the 1885 Berlin Conference on the West-African Question, and the 1922 Washington Conference.
This article argues that the international institutions are the arenas of power competition among the hegemon and the rising power. Relative to the hegemonic war, the domination of the international institutions construction is a more suitable beacon to clarify the final winner of the hegemonic status competition in which rising powers participate.
霸權擁有生產高附加價值與高科技商品的獨佔地位,加之次等國單方依賴霸權商品,塑成霸權使用非暴力的經濟脅迫(economic coercion)措施,施壓目標國,以達到「不戰而屈人之兵」的戰略、政治與經貿目標。鴉片戰爭前,清帝國多次採取「封關」等貿易脅迫措施,禁絕茶葉出口,迫使英國等互市外夷屈服讓步,強化清帝國的經濟脅迫習慣(habit)。國際關係與外交決策的觀點,多批判清政府決策菁英的自大無知,或是強調滿清政權的朝貢制度天朝思維,而少有省思,清政府採取「封關」脅迫措施的決策過程,以及造成清..
Hegemons possess a monopolistic position in producing high-value-addedand high-tech goods, coupled with the unilateral dependence of subordinate states on these products. This dynamic enables hegemons to employ non-violent economic coercion to pressure target states, achieving strategic, political, andeconomic objectives aligned with the principle of “winning without fighting”. Before the Opium War, the Qing Empire frequently adopted trade coercion measures, such as “closing borders”, to ban tea exports and force..
2011 年 5 月 2 日美國特種部隊攻擊賓拉登(Osama bin Laden)之住處並且結束長達十年對於頭號國際恐怖分子的追擊,在此之後,各國對於此事件的反應呈現出不同的面貌。本文將以實證方法研究美國與各國的外交關係、各國對賓拉登事件的反應、主要媒體評論之間的互動關連,整理出支持與不支持美國的總表。本研究亦將思考:在採取爭議性的方法達成其國家利益的同時,美國霸權是否可以在未來持盈保泰?本研究所採取的新聞分析方法,是否能夠提供外交政策研究更多的可能性? ..
As the U.S. special forces thundered into Bin Laden’s compound and terminated the decade long chase of the most wanted terrorist on May 2, 2011, the global reaction to this incident presented diverse versions for interpretation. This empirical study answers the questions: can the U.S. identify those who support or oppose its foreign policy by their reactions to the Bin Laden incident? By probing into the governmental archives and major media in selected countries, this research answers two more important questions: has ..
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