近 400 年來的歐洲，是主權國家平等的「西發里亞體系」，以權力平衡維繫國際秩序;近 600 年以來的東亞，則是中國為天朝而四方小國臣服的「朝貢體系」，是上下層級的國際秩序。為何會有「朝貢體系」?它為何能運作?從現實主義式的觀點來看，「朝貢體系」只是一個包裝過的權力政治，骨子裡仍是物質上的利害與效益計算，中國霸權之下區域國家抵抗無望，不得不臣服。但是，從建構主義式的觀點來看，之所以會有「朝貢體系」的國際秩序，並不只是因為中國的強大，也是因為區域國家認同中國的文化，中國於是才有了領導的正當性。究竟這兩種觀點孰是孰非?本研究嘗試以歷來與中國朝貢關係最密切的朝鮮為案例，實際從其 1618 至 1637 年 間，在明朝與清朝之間選擇的決策過程，檢驗他決定服從中國的真實理由，以進一步了解東亞「朝貢體系」的國際秩序。本文從中發現，建構主義式的論點獲得驗證。
For nearly four centuries, Europe had the so-called Westphalian System of sovereign states, in which balance of power was the basis of international order. In contrast, for nearly six centuries, East Asia had the so-called “tribute system,” a hierarchical order where China was the supreme leader. Why? From a realist perspective, the tribute system was just a wrapper over power politics based on material calculations of interest and benefit: East Asian countries had no choice but submission to China’s hegemony. However, from a constructivist perspective, the tribute system was not just caused by China’s hegemony. The shared sino-centric culture in the region was equally important. China gained the legitimacy of leadership due to its cultural achievements. Which of these two arguments is valid? This study attempts to answer this question by exploring China’s closest tributary country, Korea. By tracing Korea’s decision-making processes from 1618 to 1637 in detail, this study can uncover the true logic behind Korea’s submissiveness to China and thus improve our understanding toward the East Asian tribute system. In the end, constructivist perspective is confirmed.
盧武鉉總統自 2003 年上台以來，以韓半島南北韓乃至東北亞的和平繁榮為由，實施了以自主、平衡及務實外交為主的和平繁榮政策，擺脫以往對美國的過多依附，尋求確保在東北亞國際關係格局中戰略的靈活性。韓國的和平繁榮政策在韓中關係發展上起了積極作用，盧武鉉政府為實現和平繁榮政策的目標，進行與中國全方位的交流合作。韓中兩國因為互為需求維護與加強兩國共同利益，首先，通過兩國經濟互補性讓兩國的經濟更加發展;其次，為維持韓半島與東北亞的穩定，在北韓核問題與六邊會議框架中密切..
Since president Moo-Hyun Roh took office in 2003, Roh’s administration applied the Policy of Peace and Prosperity, which upholds to sovereign, balanced, and pragmatic diplomacy, on the grounds of peace and prosperity for DPRK and ROK in Korean peninsula and Northeast Asia. The administration got rid of excessive dependence of the U.S in the past, and sought to establish strategic flexibility in the Northeast Asian relations. The Policy of Peace and Prosperity played a positive role in the ROK-PRC relationship. ..
本文研究同時具有「北約組織」和「歐盟」會員國身分的歐洲國家與中國之間的關係。同時具有這兩個會員國身分的國家，除了是歐洲「最為民主」和「最具安全保障」的國家之外，也因為須配合這兩個國際建制的官方立場，因而在理論上應該要對中國採取方向一致的經濟、外交和安全政策。然而，近年來，隨著「美國對中政策的轉變」、「歐盟在移民和經濟議題上的分裂」，以及「北約組織各國在安全議題上的分歧」，中國對歐洲國家「分而治之」的爭議也浮上檯面。在經濟和安全皆有保障的情況之下，是否有什麼系統性的因素可以解釋歐洲各國與中..
This paper examines the relationships between China and the European countries that hold dual membership in both NATO and EU. These countries, being among the most democratic and secure in Europe, are theoretically expected to adopt consistent economic, diplomatic, and security policies toward China in line with the official positions of these two international institutions. However, in recent years, shifts in U.S. policy towards China, divisions within the EU on migration and economic issues, and security disagreements within NATO have bro..
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