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搜尋結果 : 和"爭端"有關的資料, 共有20筆
論能源憲章條約之現代化與原則性協議
On the Modernization of the Energy Charter Treaty and the Agreement in Principle
李貴英
62卷4期(2023/12/01)

能源憲章條約於1998年生效,目前有54個簽署方,大部分位於歐洲與中亞地區。其目的為保障外國投資人免受地主國不當之管制或政治干預,包括訴諸投資人與地主國爭端解決機制之途徑。2018年啟動該條約之現代化談判,歷經約五年談判後,2022年6月24日能源憲章大會通過原則性協議,完成ECT之修正內容。雖然談判結果未將化石燃料投資排除於保障範圍之外,不過該條約現代化所帶來之實質性改變仍有所進展。儘管如此,部分歐盟會員國宣布退出能源憲章條約,歐盟執委會亦隨之展開協調歐盟及其會員國退出該條約。根據該條..

The Energy Charter Treaty (ECT) came into force in 1998 and is currently signed by 54 countries, mostly in Europe and Central Asia. Its purpose is to protect foreign investments from regulatory or political interferences of host State, including through investor-State dispute settlement mechanism (ISDS). A negotiation to modernize the agreement was launched in 2018. On 24 June 2022, after five years of negotiations, the Energy Charter Conference Member States reached an Agreement in Principle regarding revisions to the ECT. Despite a crushin..

論世界貿易組織上訴機構之改革: 美國立場與歐洲聯盟應對方案之評析
On the Reform of the WTO Appellate Body: An Assessment of the United States’ Position and the European Union’s Proposals
李貴英(Catherine Li)
60卷1期(2021/03/01)

WTO爭端解決機制一向被譽為皇冠上之珍珠,如今上訴機構陷入停擺危機,反而成為皇冠上之荊棘。過去數年來,美國運用WTO所要求之共識,屢次反對上訴機構成員之選任案,尤其是川普政府上台後更加強杯葛之力道。根據爭端解決規則暨程序瞭解書之規定,上訴案件最少由三名成員審理並作成裁決。然而2019年12月10日之後,上訴機構已無法正常運作。長期以來美國對上訴機構提出許多批評,包括系統性、實質性與程序性問題;反之,許多WTO會員則急於補實懸缺,而疏於處理美國關切之事項。根據爭端解決規則暨程序瞭解書第3...

The dispute settlement system, often considered as the “crown jewel” of the WTO, is in a present crisis and becomes the crown of thorns. Over the past years, the United States through the use of the WTO’s consensus requirements has successfully blocked the launch of a process to select the Appellate Body members. This is carried forward by the Trump administration. With a Settlement of Disputes Understanding (DSU) requirement that appeals be heard by three AB members, with the AB membership down to zero at the present time..

論未定疆界對持續領土爭端的衝突緩和作用: 以2017中印洞朗對峙為例
The Deescalating Effect of Unsettled Borders on Enduring Territorial Disputes: An Analysis on the 2017 Doklam Standoff
陳秉逵(Ping-Kuei Chen)
59卷3期(2020/09/01)

國家間發生領土爭端時,常以展現或威脅使用軍事力量為主要威逼手段,若爭端國互不相讓,往往會陷入緊張的軍事對峙,隨時可能升級為全面武裝衝突。本文檢視此類不實際動武的軍事對峙,並提出兩個因素可有助緩和軍事對峙。首先,反覆僵持的爭端使雙方主動管理對峙行為,避免容易造成衝突升級的意外;再者,未定邊界或領土為雙方使用武力的緩衝地帶,針對爭議領土展示或威脅使用武力變成可理解的經常事件,對爭端國而言,爭議區域的武裝對峙或軍事行動不被視為立即的挑戰或威脅,衝突方傾向避免對峙惡..

States often make coercive threats by showing or threatening to use military force during territorial disputes. Disputants may be mired in intense military standoff if no parties would stand down in a dispute. The tense situation may escalate into armed conflicts. This article examines military standoff short of the use of force. It presents two variables that could alleviate military standoff. First, disputants will take measures to manage their conflict behavior when repeated conflicts yield no clear resolution to a territo..

泰、柬柏威夏寺爭端之探析:領土國族主義的政治
A Study of the Preah Vihear Temple Dispute between Thailand and Cambodia: The Politics of Territorial Nationalism
蕭文軒(Wen-Hsuan Hsiao)顧長永(Samuel C. Y. Ku)
54卷4期(2015/12/01)

本文為尋求解釋泰國在柏威夏寺爭議中的動機及柬埔寨的回應,將領土衝突與國族認同及國內政治等面向作出連結,揭示在以絕對控制的邊界觀為基礎的現代國族國家體系中,領土的歷史變遷在國族主義建構過程所扮演的角色,及其為政治人物留下可操作的空間。為達政治目的,政治菁英可選擇製造或操縱國族認同;同時,利用歷史的形塑或詮釋作為策略武器,引導國內觀眾朝向其所欲的結果,來為政權產生並提高政治正當性。不過,從實存的歷史發展過程來看,這種舉動經常會伴隨難以預料的後果。泰、柬柏威夏寺的..

This article explores the linkage among territory, nationalism and domestic politics through a case study of the Preah Vihear Temple dispute between Thailand and Cambodia. In the process of transformation from traditional kingdoms to modern nation-states, territorial changes are very important for nationalism and nation-building. They can provide political elites with chances to manipulate and secure self interest. To fan the flames of nationalism, political leaders or elites often re-construct and re-write national history a..

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