本體論為任何研究之始，能動者 / 結構爭論為以 Waltz 為首之結構現實主義與 Wendt 為代表之建構主義在本體論層次的重要歧異點之一，為此，兩派學者自 1980 年代末黨論戰迄今。儘管本體論的問題具有政治性，不見得有終極與明確的答案，但籍由本體論的討論可以讓吾人更能瞭解兩派理論在深層假設的異同。本文在敘明能動者/結構爭論在理論發展上的重要性後，進行爭論中相關重要概念——如能動者、能動性、結構等——的闡述，除追蹤這些概念在社會學上的根源..

All research begins with ontology. The agent/structure debate represents one of the most profound discrepancies and the least conclusive contests in this regard between Structural Realism and Constructivism since the late 1980s. Though politics is the terrain of competing ontology；definite and clear-cut answers are hardly attainable, a serious discussion on ontological issues can lead us to penetrate the assumptions deeply embedded in both theories. This article first examines theoretical significances in the agent/structure debate and ..

當代民主和平研究已不再局限於民主政體間的戰爭機率，有些學者已經開始轉向研究威權政體間的戰爭機率。這樣的研究發展，有利於促進國際政治和比較政府兩個次領域的對話，而本文亦嘗試將威權政體分類相關的比較政治研究，帶入國際政治場域進行分析。2002 年 Mark Peceny、Caroline C. Beer和 Shannon Sanchez-Terry 提出 「獨裁政體和平假說」(dictatorial peace)，主張威權政體間亦存在低武裝衝突機率。而且，如果再將威權政體進一步分類，則僅有單..

When analyzing the relationship between regime type and the possibility of militarized interstate conflict, an interdisciplinary dialogue between the fields of comparative politics and international relations is vitally demanded, especially when stepping into the further area of democratic peace, “dictatorial peace." In 2002, Mark Peceny, Caroline Beer, and Shannon Sanchez-Terry concluded that a lower conflict possibility does exist among non-democratic regimes. Moreover, after classifying non-democracies into three categories, t..

在國際關係理論中，以主權國家為前提，以理性選擇為途徑，這種採用國家是單一理性行為體的假設，在解釋國際合作與否時，已經面臨到一些挑戰，換言之，非國家行為體亦扮演重要角色。另外，由新現實主義和新自由主義共同假定的制度結構，在日趨複雜的現實世界中，也不能完全理解真實國際社會合作發生的原因。因此，本文嘗試引用認知理論，藉共同認知變項的提出，並結合共同利益變項，透過整合制度結構和認知轉化的過程，導出一種國際合作框架。在驗證部份，本文採用賽局理論和列舉實際案例，說明制度..

In international relations, some theories explain international cooperation almost solely based on sovereign states and a presumed approach of rational choice. However, these hypotheses assume a state-actor, as a rational unit, will meet some unforeseen challenges, thus we need a non-state actor as another variable. Furthermore, an institutional structure of neo- realism’s and neo-liberalism’s hypothesis do not fully illustrate how international cooperation occurs in the real world. So we adopt both the cognitive ..

儘管阿弘認為自己的國際政治理論只適用於冷戰時期，但基於 20 世紀中葉以來日益強調不確定性的科學走向，並參照摩根索、瓦爾茲等人對科學概念的理解，今天似乎可以從三個知識論層級看出他的理論並沒有過時的問題:第一、在元理論層次，他以一系列的二律背反和特殊符碼，點明了許多不確定性的問題;第二、在元結構層次，他透過社會學與歷史學的方法論，將當事人與政治實體推出更嚴謹的二項式互動結構;第三、在實踐學層次，他對一系列外交行為提出二律背反的探索，從而不但超越了精確科學在確定..

It is with regards of the importance of the uncertainty for the current scientific philosophy that we want to interpret the theory of the international relations of the Cold War by Raymond Aron, using the comprehension which is concerned with the scientific conceptions of Mogenthau, Waltz, and others; and we want to verify not only that this theory keeps a sort of efficiency until today, but also that Aron has found some theories about the uncertainty on a higher level. We first want to show, in the field of metathe..

日本戰後形成的發展型國家體制被視為是1990 年代「失落十年」的元兇，日本政府因此採取了眾多政治與經濟上的構造改革。本文檢視日本發展型國家體制中兩個促成日本經濟成長的重要制度如何因改革而發生變化:一是力量強大的大藏省用來保護金融界的「護送船團」金融監理制度，二是傳統上金融界相互分擔分險、銀行和企業間特殊溝通管道而形成的「主要經辦銀行制度」。不少學者認為日本發展型國家已經轉型為英美式的監理型國家，但本文發現，雖然改革後的金融監理制度可說趨向監理型國家，「主要經..

The developmental state built after WWII has been blamed for Japan’s “lost decade” of the 1990s. The Japanese government takes a lot of structure reforms in politics and economics. This article examines how the two- important traditional structures of Japanese developmental state that were named as the engines of postwar economic successes were transformed by reforms. The first is so called “convoy system” financial regulation: the powerful ministry Okurasho with this system protected the financi..